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Old July 22nd, 2018, 11:16 AM   #5331
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July 22, 1499
Battle of Dornach

Since the late 13th century, the members of the Swiss Confederacy had gradually taken control of territories that once had belonged to the Habsburgs. The Swiss had attained the status of imperial immediacy, being subject only to the emperor himself, and not to any intermediate liege lords. This status granted them a far-reaching autonomy. Before 1438, the emperors had repeatedly supported the confederates in their struggles against the Habsburgs, whom they saw as strong rivals.

When Frederick III of Habsburg ascended to the imperial throne, the Swiss suddenly faced a new situation in which they could no longer count on support from the empire. Worse, conflicts with the Habsburg dukes threatened to become conflicts with the empire itself. This did not immediately occur. Frederick faced numerous other threats. As part of his struggle with his cousin Sigismund and with Bavaria, Frederick, in 1488, founded the Swabian League, an alliance of the Swabian cities, the Swabian Knights of the League of St. George's Shield and the counts of Württemberg and Tyrol and Vorarlberg. On Frederick’s death in 1493, his son Maximilian I united the Hapsburg territories.

When asked by Frederick to also join the Swabian League, the Swiss flatly refused: they saw no reason to join an alliance designed to further Habsburg interests, and were wary of this new and powerful alliance on their northern frontier. Furthermore, they resented the strong aristocratic element in the League, so different from their own organization, which had over the last 200 years been liberating themselves from precisely such aristocratic rule. On the Swabian side, similar concerns existed. For the common people in Swabia, the independence and freedom of the Swiss was a powerful and attractive model. Many barons feared that their own subjects might revolt and seek adherence to the Swiss Confederacy. These fears were not entirely without foundation: the Swiss had begun to form alliances north of the Rhine as early as 1454.

Maximilian I had to face struggles with other powerful princes in the empire and thus sought to secure his position by furthering centralization. At the Imperial Diet held in Worms in 1495, he was partly successful, but he also had to make concessions in favor of the princes. The imperial reform established a common army and also mandated the common penny (Reichspfennig), a new head tax to finance the army. The Swiss did not accept these resolutions, and they explicitly refused to pay the common penny. They had no interest in sending troops to serve in an army under Habsburg authority. The Swiss were not the only members of the empire who refused to accept the resolutions, but Maximilian would use their refusal later as a pretext to place the Swiss Confederacy under an imperial ban.

Open war broke out over a territorial conflict in the Grisons, where during the 15th century a federation similar to the Swiss had developed. Like the Swiss, these Three Leagues had achieved a far-reaching autonomy, but also were involved in constant struggles with the Habsburgs, who ruled the neighboring territories to the east and who kept trying to bring the Grisons under their influence. The Habsburg pressure prompted the Three Leagues to sign a close military alliance with the Swiss Confederacy in 1497-98. At the same time, the Habsburgs had become involved in a struggle with the French. As a direct connection between Tyrol and Milan, the Grisons became strategically important to the Habsburgs. The Umbrail Pass in the Val Müstair connects the Vinschgau valley (Val Venosta) in southern Tyrol with the Valtellina in northern Italy. On January 20, 1499, Habsburg troops occupied the valley, but were soon driven back by the forces of the Three Leagues, and an armistice was signed on February 2.

But the Three Leagues had already called on the Swiss for help and troops from Uri had arrived in Chur. On learning about the truce, they withdrew, but met a small troop of Habsburg soldiers on their way back home. Insults led to violence. In retaliation, Habsburg troops sacked the village of Maienfeld on February 7 and called on the Swabian League for help. Only 5 days later, Swiss troops from several cantons reconquered the village and moved towards Lake Constance, pillaging and plundering along the way. On February 20, they again met a Habsburg army, which they defeated in the Battle of Hard on the shores of Lake Constance, and at about the same time, other Swiss invaded the Hegau region between Schaffhausen and Constance. On both sites, the Swiss retreated after a few days.

Meanwhile, the Swabian League had completed its recruitment, and undertook a raid on Dornach on March 22, but suffered a defeat against numerically inferior Swiss troops in the Battle of Bruderholz that same evening. In early April, both sides raided each other's territories along the Rhine. A larger attack of the Swabian League took place on April 11: Swabian troops occupied and plundered some villages on the southern shore of Lake Constance. The expedition ended in a shameful defeat and open flight when the Swiss met the Swabians in the Battle of Schwaderloh. The Swabians lost more than 1000 soldiers and the Swiss captured their artillery. On the eastern front, a new Habsburg attack on the Rhine valley was defeated at the Battle of Frastanz on April 20.

The continued defeats of both Habsburg and Swabian armies led Maximilian, who had hitherto been occupied in the Netherlands, to assume the leadership of operations himself. He declared an imperial ban on the Swiss Confederacy in an attempt to gain wider support amongst the German princes, but this move had no success. Maximilian then decided that the next decisive attack should take place again in the Val Müstair, since he didn't have enough troops near Constance. An abandoned attack in the west in early May had drawn significant Swiss forces there, who subsequently raided the Sundgau. On May 21, the Swiss undertook a third raid in the Hegau, but abandoned the operation a week later after the city of Stockach withstood a siege long enough for Swabian relief troops to come dangerously close. Simultaneously, the Three Leagues attacked the Habsburg troops at Glurns on May 22, before Maximilian could arrive with reinforcements. They overran the fortifications and routed the Austrian army in the Battle of Calven after a bitter fight and then ravaged the Vinschgau. Maximilian and his troops arrived a week late, on May 29. In revenge, his troops pillaged the Engadin valley, but retreated quickly before reinforcements from the Swiss Confederacy arrived.

The refusal of the military leaders of the Swabian League to withdraw troops from the northern front to send them to the Grisons as Maximilian had demanded made the king return to Lake Constance. The differences between the Swabians, who preferred to strike in the north, and the king, who still hoped to convince them to help him in the struggle in the Val Müstair, led to a pause. By mid-July, Maximilian and the Swabian leaders were suddenly under pressure from their own troops. In the west, in an army under Count Heinrich von Fürstenberg, a large contingent of Flemish mercenaries and many knights threatened to leave as they had not been paid. The Swabian foot troops also complained: most of them were peasants and wanted to go home and bring in the harvest. Maximilian was forced to act.

An attack across Lake Constance on Rheineck and Rorschach on July 21 was one of the few successful Swabian operations. The small Swiss detachment was taken by surprise, the villages plundered and burnt. A much larger attack of an army of about 16,000 soldiers in the west on Dornach, however, met a quickly assembled Swiss army of 6000. The Battle of Dornach occurred on July 22. The first Swiss attacks were beaten back, but a sudden attack from the woods panicked and broke the Swabians after several hours of hard fighting. Fürstenberg fell early in the fight, about 3000 Swabian and 500 Swiss soldiers died, and the Swabians lost all of their artillery again.

One of the last skirmishes of the war took place on July 25. A Swabian army marched from the Hegau on Schaffhausen, but met with fierce defense at Thayngen. Although the defense was finally overcome, the attackers suffered heavy casualties and were held up long enough for the Swiss to send troops from Schaffhausen. Misunderstandings between the Swabian knights and foot soldiers brought a retreat.

However, events in the Italian Wars helped bring the Swabian War to an end. Ludovico Sforza needed Swiss support or help from Maximilian (see posting, Ludovico Sfoza’s War). Finally, a peace treaty between Maximilian and the Swiss was signed in Basel on September 22. The peace treaty carefully played down the whole war, declaring it only as a war between the Confederacy and the “Duke of Hapsburg”. The imperial ban was dropped silently. Maximilian had to abandon implicitly the Habsburg claims on their territories, acknowledging their independence. In the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648, all members and associate states of the Confederacy would gain official full exemption from the empire and recognition as a national and political entity on their own right.
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Old July 22nd, 2018, 11:17 AM   #5332
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244
Goguryeo-Wei War

Goguryeo developed in northern Korea and Manchuria during the 1st century BC as the Chinese Han dynasty extended its control, creating the Four Commanderies of Han. As it grew and centralized, Goguryeo came into increasing conflict with China. When Han power declined from internal turmoil in the 2nd century AD, the warlord Gongsun Du came to control the commanderies of Liaodong and Xuantu, directly adjacent to Goguryeo. He often quarreled with Goguryeo and the conflict culminated in the Goguryeo succession feud of 204, which Gongsun Du's successor Gongsun Kang exploited. Though the candidate supported by Gongsun Kang was eventually defeated, the victor Sansang was compelled to move his capital southeast to Hwando on the Yalu River, which offered better protection. Gongsun Kang moved in and restored order to the Lelang Commandery and established the new Daifang Commandery.

Hwando was situated in a mountainous region with little arable land. To sustain the economy, Hwando had to constantly extract resources from the countryside, which included the tribal communities of Okjeo and Ye. By the 230s, Goguryeo had gathered strength from these tributary relations and regained their presence in the Jolbon region. In 234, the Han dynasty's successor state Cao Wei established friendly contact with Goguryeo, and in 238 an alliance between Wei and Goguryeo destroyed their common enemy Gongsun Yuan, the last of the Gongsun warlords. Wei took over all of Gongsun Yuan's territories, including Lelang and Daifang - now Wei's influence extended into the Korean Peninsula, adjacent to Goguryeo.

The alliance broke down in 242, when King Dongcheon of Goguryeo plundered the Liaodong district at the mouth of the Yalu River. The motive for the raid, though not exactly clear, was suggested to be either a search for new agricultural land or competition for the control of the "Small River Maek" people nearby, a branch of the Goguryeo people known for their excellent bows. In any case, since a Goguryeo presence there would cut off the land routes between the Chinese heartland and the peninsular commanderies, the Wei court reacted strongly.

Guanqiu Jian set out from Xuantu Commandery with 10,000 troops in 244. He met Dongcheon and 20,000 troops in battle at Liangkou. Korean accounts claim the Chinese were twice defeated before finally winning the crucial battle that sent the king back to the capital. In contrast, Chinese accounts claim that the Koreans were defeated repeatedly and that Dongcheon was forced to flee. Nonetheless, both Chinese and Korean sources agree on the fact that King Dongcheon ultimately lost the battle of Liangkou and headed back to Hwando. The Wei army pursued and captured the capital, wreaking havoc and taking thousands of captives. The king and his family fled the capital. With the Goguryeo capital subjugated, Guanqiu Jian returned to You Province with his army in around June 245.

King Dongcheon returned to the abandoned capital after the Wei army retreated, but in the same year Guanqiu Jian sent the Grand Administrator of Xuantu, Wang Qi, in pursuit of the king. Since the capital had been rendered defenseless, the king had to flee again with his nobles of several ranks to South Okjeo. The chase from Hwando to South Okjeo took the two sides across the Yalu River into North Korea until they reached the vast and fertile Hamhung plains, where the river flowed into the East Korea Bay. It was here that King Dongcheon came for refuge with the Okjeo. When Wang Qi's army arrived, however, the Okjeo tribes were defeated, with 3000 tribesmen killed or captured. The king fled again, and the Wei army turned toward North Okjeo.

Traveling along the coast of the Sea of Japan, Wang Qi's army made its way to the lands of the North Okjeo. Despite records suggesting that the king came to the North Okjeo settlement of Maegu, there is no telling what became of the king in North Okjeo, and Wang Qi's army continued further north inland. Turning northwest at the border of Okjeo and the Sushen, they traversed the Mudan River basin, home of the Yilou people, and crossed into the plains on the other side. Finally, their trek northwest brought them to the Buyeo kingdom on the Ashi River within present-day Harbin. Buyeo's regent Wigeo, acting on behalf of the nominal King Maryeo, formally received the Wei army outside their capital and replenished their supplies. Having overextended and lost sight of their target, Wang Qi's army turned southwest from Buyeo to return to Xuantu Commandery.

Concurrently, Wang Qi sent a detached force to attack the Ye of eastern Korea since they were allied with Goguryeo. The force, led by the grand administrators of Lelang and Daifang, Liu Mao and Gong Zun, started from South Okjeo and went south through the whole length of the region known as the 7 Counties of Lingdong. 6 of the 7 counties submitted, while Wozu county, being identical with Okjeo, had already been subjugated by Wang Qi.

Although the king evaded capture, the Wei campaigns did much to weaken the Goguryeo kingdom. When King Dongcheon returned to Hwando, he found the city to be too ravaged and too close to the border to be a suitable capital, and thus relocated his capital to a "walled town in the plain" in 247, moving his people and sacred shrines while leaving Hwando to ruin. From this new capital, Goguryeo underwent significant reorganization, particularly in regards to its economic base, to recover from the devastation. Since the resources of Okjeo and Ye were gone, Goguryeo had to rely on the production of the old capital region of Jolbon while looking for new agricultural lands in other directions.

The history of Goguryeo in the latter half of the 3rd century was characterized by attempts to consolidate nearby regions and restore stability as it dealt with rebellions and foreign invaders, including Wei again during 259 in which Goguryeo defeated Wei at Yangmaek, and the Sushen during 280 in which Goguryeo launched a counterattack on the Sushen and occupied their capital. Goguryeo's fortunes rose again during King Micheon's rule (300-331), when the king took advantage of the weakness in Wei's successor the Jin dynasty and wrested the commanderies of Lelang and Daifang from Chinese control. By this time, Goguryeo completed 70 years of recovery and was transformed "from a Chinese border state, existing mainly by the plunder of the Chinese outposts in the northeast, to a kingdom centered in Korea proper, in which the formerly independent tribal communities of the Okjeo and others had been merged."
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Old July 22nd, 2018, 11:59 AM   #5333
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July 20, 1514
Execution of György Dozsa



By this time, Dozsa was losing control of his command, which had fallen under the influence of the parson of Cegled, Lörinc Meszaros. The rebellion spread quickly, mainly in the central or purely Magyar provinces, where hundreds of manor houses and castles were burnt and thousands of gentry killed by impalement, crucifixion, and other methods. Dozsa's camp at Cegled was the center of the revolt, as all raids in the surrounding area started from there.

In reaction, King Vladislas issued a proclamation commanding the peasantry to return to their homes under pain of death. By this time, the rising had attained the dimensions of a revolution; all the feudal lords were called out and mercenaries were hired in haste from Venice, Bohemia and Germany. Meanwhile, Dozsa had captured the city and fortress of Csanad (today's Cenad), and signaled his victory by impaling the bishop and the castellan.

Over the summer, Dozsa seized the fortresses of Arad (where the Lord Treasurer Istvan Telegdy was seized and tortured to death) , Lippa and Vilagos, and provided himself with cannon and trained gunners. One of his bands advanced to within 16 miles of the capital. But his ill-armed levies were outmatched by the heavy cavalry of the nobles.

Dozsa was routed at Temesvar by an army of 20,000 led by John Zapolya and Istvan Bathory. He was captured after the battle, and condemned to sit on a hot iron throne, and forced to wear a heated iron crown and scepter. While he was dying, a procession of 9 fellow rebels who had been starved beforehand were led to this throne. In the lead was Dozsa's younger brother, Gergely, who was cut in 3. Next, executioners removed some pliers from a fire and forced them into Dozsa's skin. After tearing his flesh, the remaining rebels were ordered to bite spots where the hot pliers had been inserted and to swallow the flesh. The 3 or 4 who refused were simply cut up, prompting the others to comply. In the end, Dozsa died, while the rebels who obeyed were released.

Dozsa’s execution, and the brutal suppression of the peasants that followed, aided the 1526 Ottoman invasion (see posting, Battle of Mohacs) as resentments and divisions persisted among the Hungarians. Peasants were tied to the land, and serfdom would persist in Hungary until 1848.
This all recalls the savagery of the French Peasant's revolts of previous centuries,Brutal killings,Enforced cannibalism,The ironic use of a Red Hot Iron crown and throne,Included.It makes You wonder at the comparatively civilized behaviour on both sides in the English Peasant's rising during the reign of Richard II.
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Old July 23rd, 2018, 11:56 AM   #5334
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July 23, 1758
Battle of Sandershausen

Since June 1, the main Allied Army under Ferdinand of Brunswick had been operating on the west bank of the Rhine. On June 23, it had defeated the French Army at the Battle of Krefeld (see posting). However, the French still had a small army on the east bank under the Duc de Broglie that could pose a threat to Ferdinand supply lines. In July, Broglie was ordered to advance against Hesse, hoping that this action would induce Ferdinand to re-cross the Rhine with 8500 men.

On July 23, at 11 AM., a small Hessian force of 6500 under Prince Ysenburg started break its camp Kassel but on the opposite bank of the Fulda. A battalion was left near Kassel to cover the move, while the Hanoverian jägers occupied the village of Bettenhausen, only a musket shot away. Broglie sent infantry volunteers and grenadiers to occupy the suburb of Kassel with interdiction to go further. At noon, he occupied Kassel and his whole force united between Bettenhausen and Sandershausen. However, Broglie left two battalions of Royal Deux-Ponts Infantry to hold Kassel and another battalion of the same regiment at Sandershausen to guard the defiles.

Meanwhile, Ysenburg decided to make a stand at Sandershausen which offered a good defensive position. The height overlooks a plateau. Where it reached the Fulda, it formed a steep slope interspersed with ravines. Eastwards, the terrain was separated in steep passages by deep gorges leading to the narrow plain of the Werra. Ysenburg deployed with his right anchored to the steep slope along the Fulda and his left protected by the Ellenbach woods on a ridge. His troops consisted mainly militia (3 bns), "Invalids" (2 coys) and some regulars. However, several troops from the militia and jäger units were experienced hunters armed with their own rifles. Ysenburg placed all his cavalry on his left in a position overlooking the plain where the French had to debouch.

Broglie was quite surprised to see Ysenburg's corps drawn up in battle order. Broglie planned to attack the infantry in the woods on the Allied left. This would allow him to cut off Ysenburg’s line of retreat to Münden and to push him back against the Fulda. The terrain being narrow, Broglie put his infantry in the first line and his cavalry and dragoons in the second. He anchored his right to a wood and reinforced it with 3 grenadier companies of Royal Deux-Ponts. He also advanced his right further than his left in preparation for his main attack.

At 3 PM, Broglie launched his attack. He placed his 10 guns in front of his right to fire at the Hessian cavalry placed against the woods. Meanwhile, the Swiss Brigade, 4 guns and the 3 grenadier companies attacked the Hanoverian Jägers in the Ellenbach woods and met strong resistance.

Reacting to the artillery fire, the Hessian cavalry charged the French infantry. Seeing this, Broglie sent 2 battalions to support his defense there. He then sent his own cavalry through the gap created on his right by the doubling of his infantry line. When the Hessian cavalry saw the French cavalry advancing in front of its infantry, it moved to its right as if it was going for the French left. Broglie reacted by sending infantry and dragoons toward the gap left by the Allied cavalry, which halted its move. The French cavalry launched a charge of its own, but was broken and hotly pursued. This left the infantry of the French right unsupported. However, Royal Bavière Infantry fired a furious volley that halted the advancing Hessian cavalry.

Ysenburg ordered a general advance of the Hessian right and units then quickly marched on the French left wing held by the Rohan Montbazon and Beauvoisis regiments. This brigade suffered from the deadly Hessian fire. An initial Hessian charge failed, but it was soon renewed. . The Hessians had the advantage of being covered by the steep slope while the French stood in the open. The French left was forced to pull back and the Hessians extended their line along the steep slope, trying to reach the French rear. To prevent this, Broglie advanced a few squadrons of the Apchon Dragoons along with some cavalry squadrons who had now rallied.

As the battle developed, the inexperience of the Hessian militia began to tell. 2 of these battalions along with the Invalids soon formed a completely disorganized mass in the center of the Allied line. Broglie then ordered a general advance of his entire first line (7 battalions). Since, the French were short of powder, they attacked with the bayonet. Broglie had managed to isolate Ysenburg's left wing from his right. Furthermore, the disorganized Hessian units of the center were about to break. Ysenburg ordered a retreat. About 300 Hessians tried to escape across the river where several drowned. The rest of Ysenburg's corps retired in good order to Landwehrhagen. It was now 7:00, the weather was very bad, the country very wooded and the French infantry had marched 18 miles and fought a battle. Broglie preferred to stop, sending the Baron de Travers with 700 volunteers to follow up the Hessians.

The French lost 677 killed and 1385 wounded. This high casualty rate can only be explained by the massed employment of the rifle-armed jägers by the Hessians. Hessian losses amounted to only 56 killed, 162 wounded and 250 taken prisoner. However, the French captured 2000 more Hessians and 15 guns during the following days. The prisoners were mostly militia who had deserted after the battle.

This French victory coupled with Chevert's attempt two week later to seize the bridge at Rees finally convinced Ferdinand to retreat to the east bank of the Rhine, which he did on August 8.
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Old July 23rd, 2018, 11:58 AM   #5335
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Originally Posted by Mal Hombre View Post
This all recalls the savagery of the French Peasant's revolts of previous centuries,Brutal killings,Enforced cannibalism,The ironic use of a Red Hot Iron crown and throne,Included.It makes You wonder at the comparatively civilized behaviour on both sides in the English Peasant's rising during the reign of Richard II.

Also unusual was the aftermath of the American Civil War, in which none of the rebel leaders was executed. Only Jefferson Davis spent time in prison.
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Old July 23rd, 2018, 12:26 PM   #5336
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That was largely down to Abraham Lincoln,John Wilkes Booth did more harm to the South than General Sherman..
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Old July 24th, 2018, 11:29 AM   #5337
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July 24, 1866
Battle of Tauberbischofsheim

At the start of the 1866 war the Prussian Army of the Main faced 3 opponents. The Hanoverian Army was isolated and forced to surrender on June 29 (see posting, Battle of Langensalza), leaving the Bavarian Army (Prince Charles), then advancing northwest from Bamberg, and the 8th Federal Corps (Prince Alexander of Hesse), moving more slowly northeast from Frankfurt. The Allies intended to unite around Fulda, dangerously close to the Prussian position. This plan had to be abandoned when the Bavarians were defeated at Dermbach (July 4) as they attempted to move west to Fulda. The 2 Allied armies were forced to retreat, with the Bavarians moving south and 8th Corps moving southwest towards Frankfurt. On July 10 the Allies were forced further apart when the Prussians defeated the Bavarians at Hammelburg and Kissingen, forcing them to retreat towards Würzburg.

By this point 8th Corps was back around Frankfurt. On July 12 Prince Alexander learnt that the Prussians were moving west to attack him, and began to prepare for a move southeast to join up with the Bavarians. His original plans were foiled by the rapidly advancing Prussians, who defeated his advance guard on July 13 at Laufach, then captured Aschaffenburg on the Main on July 14 (see posting). Luckily for Prince Alexander the Prussians then moved down the Main to occupy Frankfurt. Here Gen. Vogel von Flackenstein would be replaced as Prussian commander by Edwin von Manteuffel.

This allowed 8th Corps to escape towards the Bavarians. They moved south, then east, to get around a large bend in the Main. This brought them to the River Tauber, which flows north into the Main, and also allowed them to finally make contact with the Bavarians. Prince Alexander and Prince Charles came up with a plan for a renewed offensive. However instead of uniting their forces and then advancing back along the Main, Prince Alexander insisted that the armies use a more northerly route, across the Spessart Mountains. The Bavarians would have to move northwest from Würzburg, across another loop in the Main, to reach Lohr. 8th Corps would move northeast, then north, and cross the Main south of Lohr. Neither Allied commander believed that the Prussians would leave Frankfurt and risk an attack on the united Allied army.

In order to cover the planned move north the Baden Division took up a position at Hundheim, west of the Tauber. On July 23 the Prussians threatened this position and the Badeners retreated to Kulsheim, east of Hundheim, but still west of the Tauber. That night Prince Alexander moved his troops into a new position along the Tauber. The Baden Division formed the right flank, between Werbach and Werbachhausen. The Württemberg Division was in the center, at Impfingen and Tauberbischofsheim. The Combined Austrian-Nassau Division was on the left, between Paimar and Grünsfeld. This was a 7 mile long position. It was quite strong, with the key to it a limited number of bridges over a river that ran through a steep sided valley. However the separate parts of the Federal Corps were too widely separated to support each other. As a result they ended up fighting 2 separate battles on July 24.

In theory the position at Tauberbischofsheim was a strong one. There were bridges across the river, but the crossings could have been covered by artillery on the hills to the east. The town was on the western side of the river, with the railway line running past it on the western side. The town was defended by 2 battalions from the 2nd Württemberg Brigade. 2nd Regiment was in the town itself. Skirmishers were along the western end of the town, spread out from a churchyard in the north to the railway embankment to the south. A company was posted to defend the river bridge, with 2 more in reserve. 2 guns were posted on the high road to Dittigheim, also on the western bank. The rest of 2nd Brigade (3 infantry battalions, a cavalry squadron and 6 guns) were a few miles further down the river, at Impfingen. 1st and 3rd Württemberg Brigades were posted on the far side of the heights east of the town, with 2 artillery batteries in a good position to support the fighting on the Tauber.

On the Prussian side Gen. August von Goeben had Wrangel's and Weiltzien's Brigades at his disposal. Weiltzien was sent to attack Hochhausen and Werbach, leaving Wrangel to move against Tauberbischofsheim. Wrangel had already lost some of his troops to guard the division's right flank, but he took his remaining troops

At about 2 PM, Prussian guns opened fire from the Immberg, a hill northwest of the town. 5th Company, 15th Regiment, followed by 1st Battalion, 55th Regiment, then advanced towards the town while the rest of the brigade remained behind the Immberg. The Federal troops didn’t defend the town with any vigor, and after a brief skirmish retreated across the bridge to the east bank. The Württemberg infantry then took shelter in vineyards opposite the town.

The Federal artillery was now dominant, with 18 guns against 5 Prussian. The Prussians withdrew their artillery, while the units that had captured the town took shelter within. They were later joined by the skirmishers from 15th Regiment.

Having abandoned the town without much of a struggle, the Wurttemberg Division now launched a series of counterattacks in an attempt to recapture it. These saw elements of 1st and 3rd Brigades drawn into the battle, but each attack was made in battalion strength only. The Prussian official history records a series of attacks that lasted from 2.30 to 5:00, with an attack every 15-30 minutes. Each attack was made by a single battalion, supported by detachments of survivors from the previous attacks. These attacks did force Lt Colonel Böcking, the commander in the town, to call for reinforcements, as his supplies of ammunition began to run short. 55th Regiment, under Colonel Goltz, was sent forwards. His Fusilier Battalion moved up to the river, while his 2nd Battalion formed a reserve at the market place.

In an attempt to end the Federal attacks, Colonel Goltz decided to advance across the river. He led his 5th and 6th Companies across the bridge, followed by the 11th and 12th and with the rest of the Fusilier Battalion providing covering fire. This gave the Prussians a foothold in the houses on the east bank, and a buffer against further attacks. More reinforcements crossed the river further to the south, wading or swimming across. They occupied the Lorenz Kapelle, on the lower slopes of the hills south-east of the bridge.

When news of the fighting reached Prince Alexander, he moved to the front, and ordered up a series of reinforcements, starting with artillery and ending with the 4th (Austrian-Nassau) Division. At their peak the Federal artillery batteries contained 40 guns that could reach the battlefield.

At around 6:00 Prince Alexander was forced to order a retreat after news arrived of the Prussian victory downstream at Werbach. 4th Brigade was ordered to cover this movement, and their left wing began to threaten the isolated Prussians at the Lorenz Kapelle. Wrangel responded by moving up his last reinforcements, the Lippe Battalion, but the crisis was soon over. The Federal infantry slowly withdrew, covered by the artillery.

Although the Prussians were outnumbered throughout the battle, they suffered much lower casualties than the Federal troops. The Prussians lost 16 killed, 107 wounded and 3 missing. The Württemberg Division lost 45 dead, 533 wounded and 92 missing or prisoners.

In the aftermath of the defeats at Tauberbischofsheim and Werbach 8th Corps began to retreat east towards Würzburg. At the same time the Bavarians had abandoned their move and were heading south towards their allies. On July 25 both forces ran into the Prussians, and both were defeated, the Bavarians at Helmstadt and 8th Corps at Gerchsheim. After these battles 8th Corps was in full retreat, heading for the Main around Würzburg. The Bavarians stayed in the field, only to suffer another defeat at Rossbrun (July 26). The war was now coming to its end. News arrived that an official truce was to come into effect on August 2 and a local ceasefire was put in place. On August 1 Manteuffel threatened to end the ceasefire if the Bavarians didn't surrender Würzburg, and on August 2, just before the start of the truce, the Prussians entered the city.
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Old July 25th, 2018, 12:18 PM   #5338
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July 25, 1850
Decision at Isted

As a result of pressure from the major European powers, Schleswig-Holstein stood alone in the summer of 1850. The Danish High Command had no overall plan for the coming campaign, but during July a number of reports were received that the Schleswig-Holstein army had taken up positions north of the town of Schleswig. The High Command now saw a chance for a decisive battle. Just like the Danes, the Schleswig-Holstein High Command hoped to lure the Danish army into giving battle at Isted and turn the tide of the war. The two armies were in many respects equal. Though the Danish army (Gerhard Christoph von Krogh) was larger (37,000 to 27,000), the Schleswig-Holstein army (Karl Wilhelm von Willisen) held a strong defensive position.

The battle began early on the morning of July 24, when the Danish vanguard clashed with the Schleswig-Holsteinian outposts and pickets. During the day, the Schleswig-Holsteiners were pushed back all along the line. The fighting of the day climaxed in a larger engagement at the Helligbæk stream that involved substantial forces on both sides.

During the early morning hours of July 25, fighting raged back and forth at several places, including by Bøgmose, north of Isted Lake, as well as Grydeskov between Isted Lake and Langsø. To the east, between Bøglund and Nørre Farensted, Danish troops pushed back the Schleswig-Holstein troops, who then fell back and took up position at Vedelspang.

About this time, the weather dramatically changed. The previous days of warm weather, were suddenly replaced by heavy mist and pouring rain, which made it almost impossible for the officers on both sides to maintain an overview of the battlefield and their forces. At 5 AM, the Schleswig-Holsteiners took the initiative and 2 brigades counterattacked the Danes at the village of Stolk and, around 6:00 against Isted town. At Stolk the Danes were pushed back in disarray and during the frenzied fighting. After this success, the Schleswig-Holsteiners pressed the attack on Isted. The fighting soon devolved into house to house fighting. The Danish Reserve Division was sent forward, and around 7:45 the Danish forces managed to halt the enemy attack, and then to counterattack. During the fighting the Danish Col. Baggesen sent a series of alarming messages to Gen. Krogh and his staff, which caused Krogh to cancel an ongoing flanking maneuver west of the battlefield. By chance, the Schleswig-Holsteinian army had escaped an attack that would have surprised their troops at a critical time.

Around noon, Krogh ordered a general advance. The Danish infantry attacked without support of the cavalry and without preliminary fire from the artillery. Despite this, the timing was fortunate. As the attack began, the Schleswig-Holstein artillery was being withdrawn from its current positions, preventing them from firing. Schleswig-Holstein center gave way and retreated towards Schleswig; the right wing bent back and retired towards the town while the left fell back through the open ground to the west.

Around 2:15 PM, Krogh ordered a cavalry brigade forward as the Schleswig-Holsteiners retired, but the horsemen only skirmished and then withdrew, leaving it to the infantry to press the advance. By late afternoon the Danes reached Skovby and the town of Schleswig, which was quickly occupied while the Schleswig-Holstein army retreated, ending the battle.

The Battle of Isted was the largest in the history of the Nordic countries until the Winter War of 1939-1940. The Danish victory had not been the decisive triumph the Danish High Command had hoped it would be. They had lost 845 men killed and 2770 wounded or captured. The Schleswig-Holsteiners had 534 dead and 2274 wounded or captured. While defeated, the Schleswig-Holsteinian army had escaped to fight another day and the war continued. In September the Schleswig-Holsteiners launched an attack at Mysunde, which was repulsed. In October, the Danes managed to thwart the siege of Frederiksstad, but again failed to achieve a conclusive victory. The war then entered a lull until January 1851, when the Great Powers finally pressured both sides to end the war, and the Provisional Schleswig-Holstein government and its army disbanded.
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Old July 25th, 2018, 12:19 PM   #5339
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687
Battle of Tertry

During the 7th century, as the fortunes of the Merovingian dynasty declined and the Frankish kingdom was again divided among the later descendants of the first great Merovingian king, Clovis (r. 481–511), into the regions of Austrasia, Neustria, and Burgundy; rival aristocratic factions competed for power against each other and against the Merovingian do-nothing kings (rois fainéants), as they have traditionally been called. In Austrasia the descendants of Arnulf of Metz, the sainted bishop and ancestor of the family, had taken control of the office of mayor of the palace (first minister). In Neustria, the Austrasian mayor Pippin of Herstal faced the powerful Ebroin and the Merovingian king Theuderic III. Pippin had been defeated by Ebroin in 680, but he survived his rival, who was assassinated and whose murderers gained asylum at Pippin’s court. Ebroin’s successor made peace with Pippin but was deposed by his own son, Ghislemar. Both Ghislemar and his successor, Berchar, remained on bad terms with Pippin, and war once again broke out between the mayors of Austrasia and Neustria.

The war broke out as a result of the long-standing hostility between the Austrasian and Neustrian leaders and the civil strife in Neustria. Berchar had alienated many Neustrian nobles, who joined Pippin and invited him to become involved in the struggle in Neustria. According to one near-contemporary, pro-Carolingian account, Pippin asked his followers to join him in war against the Neustrians. Pippin sought war, according to this account, because Theuderic and Berchar rejected his appeals on behalf of the clergy, the Neustrian nobility asked for aid, and he desired to punish the proud king and his mayor. Pippin’s followers agreed to join in the war, and after marshalling his troops, he moved along the Meuse River to meet his rival. Theuderic, learning of the advance of Pippin, levied his own troops, and he rejected, on Berchar’s advice, any offers of a peaceful settlement. Having been rebuffed, Pippin prepared for battle and at dawn on the day of battle at Tertry quietly moved his troops across the river. Theuderic and Berchar, learning that Pippin’s camp was empty, moved in to plunder it and were ambushed by Pippin’s army. The king and his mayor fled while their troops were massacred. Berchar too was killed while wandering lost, and Pippin captured Theuderic, along with the royal treasury.

The victor at Tertry, Pippin took control of the king and his wealth and united the 3 kingdoms of Austrasia, Burgundy, and Neustria under his authority. The Battle of Tertry was a significant victory for Pippin and his descendants, establishing the supremacy of Austrasia over the rest of the realm, characterized by later conquests to the east and the Aachen-centered Carolingian Empire; the undisputed right to rule of the Arnulfing clan, Pepin even taking the title of dux et princeps Francorum; and, finally, the personal gains to Pepin, who "reigned," as one chronicle put it, thereafter over all the Franks for 27 more years.
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Old July 26th, 2018, 11:26 AM   #5340
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July 26, 1897
Siege of Malakand

In 1897, in Lower Swat, a Bunerwal Mullah called Sadullah sought to raise the tribes, other religious leaders contributing to his effort. This Mullah was referred to by the British as the ‘Mad Fakir’. It seemed that the ‘Mad Fakir’ made claims to the tribesmen suggesting that he was near-divine. He also seems to have informed the tribesmen that the garrisons at Malakand and Chakdara contained the only troops the British had. The Government of India concluded that the immediate trigger was the victory of the Turks over the Greeks in 1897 (see posting), a potent symbol of Muslim success over the Christian infidel.

After the 1895 Chitral campaign (see posting), the British maintained a garrison in Chitral town. To support this, a road was established through Swat and Dir to the Chitral valley. The road was guarded through tribal territory by local levies, paid for by the Government of India. At the southern end of the road, the British built a fort and camp at the top of Malakand Pass and a fort at the Chakdara crossing of the Swat River. A road was built from Dargai to the Chakdara Bridge, via Malakand and the Amandara Defile. At the beginning of 1897, the Malakand Camp was garrisoned by an Indian brigade. The fort overlooked the Malakand Pass, with most of the brigade encamped in the volcanic bowl beneath the fort. An additional camp, called Malakand North, lay in the valley to the northwest of the main camp.

Col. William Meiklejohn of 20th Punjab Infantry commanded the Malakand Brigade, as temporary brigadier-general, with troops situated at Malakand, North Malakand, Chakdara and Dargai, comprising 24th Punjab Infantry, 45th Sikh Infantry, #5 Company Madras Sappers and Miners, 31st Punjab Infantry, #8 Bengal Mountain Battery and a squadron of 11th Bengal Lancers. Lt. Rattray commanded the garrison at Chakdara, guarding the bridge over the Swat, with 180 sepoys of 45th Sikhs and 20 sowars of 11th Bengal Lancers. 200 men of 31st Punjab Infantry garrisoned Dargai, on the road from Nowshera to Malakand.

In early summer, information came in from Swat and other tribal areas that the ‘Mad Fakir’ was attracting large crowds for his addresses, urging a holy war. Pathans serving with the regiments at Malakand warned their officers of an impending rising. On July 26, British officers from Malakand and Chakdara assembled to play polo on the garrison ground at Khar, a village on the road between Malakand and Chakdara. At the end of the game Lt. Rattray received a note that Chakdara Fort was being threatened by a large force. The officers returned to their posts, Rattray passing several large gatherings of armed tribesmen. Meiklejohn telegraphed to Mardan for the Guides to come up to Malakand and prepared to dispatch 45th Sikhs to seize the pass at Amandara, on the road between Malakand and Chakdara. Before the Sikhs could leave, at around 10 PM, a jemadar of the local levies arrived with the news that the Mad Fakir was approaching with a large force of tribesmen. Buglers blew the assembly.

The main camp was accessed from the north by 2 routes. One was the main road from Khar into the center of the camp. The other was the old Buddhist road which led up to the edge of the crater. Both routes were points of vulnerability for the garrison. On hearing the assembly, Lt-Col. McRae, commanding 45th Sikhs, rushed whatever troops he could gather to the edge of the crater to hold the Buddhist road, leaving orders for the whole regiment to follow. His handful of Sikhs took up a defensive position in a cutting, where the tribesmen were unable to deploy and opened fire. McRae’s Sikhs were about to be overwhelmed when the rest of the regiment arrived around 2 AM. The position was then firmly held against the attackers, preventing the garrison from facing a flood of tribesmen pouring into the camp from the east rim.

Meanwhile, Pathans had attacked in 3 other locations, and 24th Punjab's picket lines were quickly overrun. Pathan sharpshooters on the nearby heights inflicted casualties throughout the night, and the bazaar and surrounding buildings were occupied. Other units of the 24th, under Lt. Climo, retook the area and held it until 10:45, but under fire from sharpshooters were driven back. The Pathans broke through in a number of other locations. Lt. Watling commanding troops guarding the ammunitions stores at the Quarter Guard was wounded, losing the stores in the process. Meiklejohn led a small group of sappers and members of the 24th to recapture the ammunition dump; the general was wounded, and the group severely depleted as it twice failed to retake the dump, but a third attempt proved successful. However, continuing crossfire wounded a number of British officers, placing the command of the 24th with Climo. As the night wore on, reinforcements arrived from a nearby British hill fort which had as yet been ignored by the Pathan forces. At 4:15 AM, the attacking forces withdrew with their dead and wounded.

During the first night of the battle, the garrison at Malakand North had not seen much action despite being in the more exposed position, and had spent much of the night firing flares and moving guns. In response Meiklejohn ordered a reconnaissance of the vicinity; Major Gibbs, the commander of the force, encountered large groups of tribesmen in the valley. Subsequently, he was ordered to collect his forces and stores from Malakand North, and transfer into the southern camp. The last remaining forces from the now evacuated northern camp arrived in Malakand South at 8:30 AM on the 27th, coinciding with the arrival of more Pathans. In Nowshera, 11th Bengal Lancers awoke to news of the fighting, and, together with 38th Dogras, 35th Sikhs, and 2 mountain batteries, they set off to relieve the garrison. Meanwhile, at Malakand South, fresh attacks were repulsed by elements of the 24th led by Climo.

At 7:30 PM the first of the British reinforcements arrived in the form of infantry from the Guides under Lt. Lockhart. 45th Sikhs, supported by 100 men from the Guides and 2 guns, remained astride the main road, while 31st Punjab held the center; the 24th, under Climo, held the north edge of Malakand South. Subadar Syed Ahmed Shah of the 31st held the area around the bazaar, though the market place itself was left unoccupied. Around 8:00 the Pathans simultaneously attacked all the British positions. Syed Ahmed Shah and his men defended their position for several hours, but the Pathans finally undermined the walls, taking the position and killing most of the defenders. The 24th also repelled a number of charges. Despite the constant harassing fire, Climo counterattacked, pushing the Pathans back 2 miles. The daylight hours of July 28 saw continuous fire from the Pathan sharpshooters in the hills surrounding Malakand South.

Having re-established communication on the morning of July 29, the British garrison signaled the approaching relief forces via heliograph at 8 AM, "Heavy fighting all night. Expect more tonight. What ammunition are you bringing? When may we expect you?" During the day, the Pathans prepared for another night attack while the British destroyed the bazaar and the regions previously defended by Syed Ahmed Shah. Trees were also cut down to improve fields of fire, attracting further attention from the sharpshooters. Major Stuart Beatsen arrived at 4 PM with 11th Bengal Lancers. The 35th Sikhs and 38th Dogras arrived at the mouth of the pass leading to Malakand South, but were forced to halt by heavy resistance.

At 2 AM on July 30, the Pathans launched 2 attacks. The following morning, on July 31, the remainder of the Dogras and 35th Sikhs entered Malakand South under Col. Reid, bringing with them 243 mules carrying 291,600 rounds of ammunition. But with their attention now drawn towards the nearby British outpost of Chakdara, attacks on Malakand South began to decline until they ceased altogether.

On July 28, when word of the attacks were received, a division of 6800 infantry, 700 cavalry, and 24 guns was given to Maj-Gen. Sir Bindon Blood with orders to hold "the Malakand, and the adjacent posts, and of operating against the neighboring tribes as may be required." Blood arrived at Nowshera on July 31 and on August 1 he was informed that the Pathans had turned their attention to the nearby British fort of Chakdara. This was a small, under-garrisoned fort with few supplies that had been holding out with 200 men since the first attacks in Malakand began, and had recently sent the signal "Help us". Blood reached Malakand at noon on the same day. While Blood and his relief force marched for Chakdara from the main camp at Nowshera, Meiklejohn set out from Malakand South with the 45th, 24th and guns from #8 Battery. An advance force of Guides met with an enemy force along the road and was forced to retreat.

Following this failed attempt, Blood arrived and appointed Col. Reid commander of the forces at Malakand South, giving command of the rescue force to Meiklejohn. The column of 1000 infantry, 2 squadrons from the 11th Bengal Lancers, 2 of the Guides cavalry, 50 sappers, 2 guns and a hospital detail, rested on the night of August 1, despite a night attack by Pathans. On the following day, the relief force advanced along the road to the abandoned Malakand North in order to avoid the sharpshooters who still occupied the heights around Malakand South. With low morale, the relief force assembled at 4:30 AM on the 2nd; however, with the use of diversionary attacks, they were successful in breaking out of the encirclement without loss. This led to confusion amongst the Pathans. The 11th Bengal Lancers and Guides cavalry went on to relieve Chakdara, while the 45th Sikhs stormed nearby Pathan positions.

The sieges of Malakand and Chakdara cost the British and Indians 206 men killed or wounded. At least 2000 tribesmen became casualties.
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