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Old December 17th, 2017, 12:52 PM   #4951
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December 17, 1942
1st Arakan Offensive

In July 1942, Lt. Gen. Noel Irwin was appointed to command Eastern Army. His HQ took over Arakan front, while 15th Corps HQ (Lt. Gen. William Slim) covered the north and dealt with training fresh divisions. Eastern Army was originally a peacetime body for depots and units stationed in Eastern India. It unexpectedly found itself in control of a very large rear area, and the troops on the frontier with Burma, roles for which it had not prepared in peacetime.

Gen. Archibald Wavell, Commander in Chief in India, was making plans to mount offensives into Burma even as Allied troops were retreating into India. On most parts of the front, roads and other lines of communications had to be improved or built from scratch before attacks could be considered, a task which would take at least a year, but on the Arakan front, distances were comparatively short and the necessary communications could theoretically be completed by the time the monsoon ended. In fact, the time required to improve the poor roads in the region delayed the start of the offensive until mid-December 1942. The limited goal of the advance in Arakan was Akyab Island, holding a port and all-weather airfield. The island lay at the end of the Mayu Peninsula. This was marked by a narrow but precipitous and jungle-covered range of hills, the Mayu Range, which separated the narrow coastal plain from the fertile rice-growing valley of the Kalapanzin River, which became the Mayu River below the town of Buthidaung. The only permanently established route across the range was a disused railway track, converted into a road, which linked Buthidaung with the port of Maungdaw on the west coast of the peninsula.

Wavell’s plan was codenamed Operation Cannibal. It was originally planned that Akyab would be taken by amphibious assault by British 29th Brigade, while 14th Indian Division mounted a subsidiary advance down the Mayu peninsula. The 14th had been raised in Baluchistan and was originally intended to form part of the Allied forces in Iraq and Iran. It was fully equipped but lacked training, particularly in jungle warfare. The amphibious part of the plan was dropped because 29th Brigade (which until November was engaged in Madagascar) and the necessary landing craft would not be available in time. Instead, it was planned that once 14th Division had reached Foul Point at the extreme southern end of the peninsula, it would improvise an attack by British 6th Brigade across the narrow channel which separated Akyab from the peninsula. (By late December, 5 motor launches, 72 landing craft and 3 paddle steamers were available.)

14th Indian Division (Maj. Gen. Wilfrid Lloyd), began advancing south from Cox’s Bazaar on December 17, 1942. The Japanese defense was Miyawaki Force. This consisted of 2 battalions of 213th Regiment and various supporting arms, commanded by Col. Kosuke Miyawaki. Although the forward unit had spent 50 days digging defensive positions to cover the Maungdaw-Buthidaung road, they were ordered to pull back to join the main body near the tip of the Mayu peninsula. Lloyd's division captured the road on December 22. At this point, Miyawaki was informed that another division (55th, less a regiment) had been dispatched from Central Burma to Arakan. The commander was Lt. Gen. Takeshi Koga. Miyawaki was ordered to move forward to Donbaik on the Mayu peninsula and Rathedaung on the east bank of the Mayu River, to secure positions from which this division could operate. On December 28, the Japanese occupied Rathedaung and forestalled the attempt by 123rd Indian Brigade to capture the town. On January 9-10, renewed attacks on Rathedaung were thrown back. A single Japanese company occupied the narrow front between the sea and the foothills of the Mayu Range a mile north of Donbaik, protected by a chaung (tidal creek) with steep banks. They constructed well-concealed and mutually supporting bunkers of timber and earth. 47th Indian Brigade attacked this line on January 7-9, but was repulsed.

Wavell and Irwin visited Lloyd on January 10. Lloyd asked for tanks to deal with the bunkers. Irwin in turn demanded a single troop of tanks from 50th Indian Tank Brigade, part of XV Corps. Both Slim and the brigade commander protested that a complete regiment would be required, but they were overruled. On February 1, 55th Indian Brigade, supported by only 8 Valentine tanks, attacked Donbaik. Some of the tanks became stuck in ditches, while others were knocked; the brigade’s attack failed. A renewed attack by 123rd Brigade on Rathedaung 2 days later briefly gained some outlying positions, but was forced to withdraw.

The third battalion of the Japanese 213th Regiment had been sent to Arakan ahead of 55th Division. During February, it cleared detachments of the British irregular V Force from the valley of the Kaladan River, where they had been threatening the Japanese lines of communication. V Force warned the British of the large numbers of Japanese approaching the battlefield.

Following the defeat at Donbaik, the 47th and 55th Brigades had been moved east of the Mayu Range. In the first week of March, the Japanese crossed the Mayu River and attacked 55th Brigade, forcing it to retreat. This left 47th Brigade isolated north of Rathedaung.

On March 10, Slim had been ordered to report on the situation in Arakan; he reported to Irwin that with 9 brigades now under command, 14th Indian Division was unable to control the front and recommended that a corps command take over. However, Irwin made no changes. Morale was low and there were unnecessary panics.

In spite of the growing threat to the left flank of 14th Division, Irwin demanded another attack on the Donbaik position. Lloyd planned to use 71st Indian Brigade in a flanking move along the spine of the Mayu Range, but by this time, Irwin had lost confidence in Lloyd and his brigadiers, and laid down the plan of attack himself. He diverted the 71st to the Mayu Valley and ordered British 6th Brigade, reinforced to 6 battalions, to attack on a narrow front. The Brigade attacked on March 18. Some of Japanese 55th Division had reinforced the defenders and in spite of heavy artillery support the British were unable to deal with the bunkers. After this, Wavell and Irwin ordered the ground already taken to be held. On March 25, Lloyd ordered the isolated 47th Brigade to fall back across the Mayu Range, despite Irwin’s instructions to hold all ground until the monsoon. Irwin rescinded the order and dismissed Lloyd on the 29th, taking command of the 14th Division in person until Maj. Gen. Cyril Lomax, could take over.

On April 3, while 143rd Regiment pressed north up the Mayu River valley, the main body of Japanese 55th Division crossed the Mayu Range at a point where British officers had regarded the range as impassable and cut the coastal track behind the leading British troops. They captured the village of Indin, overrunning the HQ of British 6th Brigade. 47th Brigade was forced to retreat across the Mayu Range in small parties, abandoning all its equipment and ceasing to exist as a fighting force. XV Corps HQ under Slim belatedly took charge of the Arakan front. Although British 6th Brigade was still formidable in spite of recent defeats, Slim was concerned that the other troops on the front were tired and demoralized. Nevertheless, he and Lomax anticipated that the Japanese would next try to capture the Maungdaw-Buthidaung road and planned to surround and destroy them. While British 6th Brigade defended the coastal plain, 8 British and Indian battalions were deployed to encircle the Japanese as they neared the road at a point where two tunnels carried it through the Mayu range.

In late April, the Japanese attacked north, as Slim and Lomax predicted. They met stiff resistance on the flanks and advanced instead in the center. On May 4, as Slim prepared to order 2 Indian battalions to surround the Japanese, a British battalion defending Point 551 gave way, allowing the Japanese to cut the Maungdaw-Buthidaung road. Counterattacks failed and the troops in Buthidaung and the Kalapanzin valley were cut off. As there was no other route for vehicles across the Mayu Range, they were forced to destroy their transport before retreating north up the valley. Irwin ordered Maungdaw at least to be held but Slim and Lomax decided that the port was not prepared for a siege. They also feared that the exhausted troops could not be relied upon to defend the port resolutely. On May 11, the port was abandoned and XV Corps fell back to Cox’s Bazaar in India, where the open country gave the advantage to British artillery. The monsoon rains also descended at this point, dissuading the Japanese from following up their success.

Irwin, Slim and other officers were frank about the chief cause of failure. The average British and Indian soldier was not properly trained for fighting in jungle, which together with repeated defeats adversely affected morale. This was exacerbated by poor administration in the rear areas. Drafts of reinforcements sent to replace casualties were found in some cases to have not even completed basic training. Additionally, 14th Division HQ had too many troops to command and a large communications area. The supply routes were inadequate, and there were insufficient landing craft and small ships as an alternative.

Irwin attempted to dismiss Slim from command of XV Corps, but was himself relieved of command of Eastern Army and returned to Britain on sick leave. His replacement was Gen. George Giffard, a very different character from the abrasive Irwin. Giffard concentrated on restoring the Army’s morale and improving its state of health and training. The first Chindit raid concluded about this time, and its successes were widely publicized to counter the depressing news from the Arakan. As part of a general shuffle of senior appointments about this time, Wavell became Viceroy and Claude Auchinleck became Commander in Chief in India. The Indian Army establishment was reorganized to concentrate on fighting the Burma campaign, with success in the following two years.
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Old December 18th, 2017, 01:07 PM   #4952
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December 18, 1622
Battle of Mbumbi

Portuguese Angola was established in 1575 as a reward to the Portuguese for helping the Kingdom of Kongo defeat the Jagas, who invaded the realm in 1568. After a disastrous attempt at conquering the Kingdom of Ndongo, the Portuguese governor Mendes de Vasconcellos made an alliance with the Imbangala, a people described by European and Kongolese sources as rootless, cannibal mercenaries originating south of the Kwanza River. The governor used them to defeat the Ndongo while Portuguese Angola gained the slaves that resulted from the chaos. In 1621, Vasconcellos was succeeded by João Correia de Sousa. Correia de Sousa hoped to reap the same benefits as his predecessor by unleashing the Imbangala into Kongo territory. He first targeted the forest land of Kazanze, a Kongo vassal that had been a haven for runaway slaves. Correia de Sousa then ordered Captain Major Pedro de Sousa Coelho and 20,000 Mbundu and Imbangala, with a Portuguese contingent at the army’s core, into the Kongolese province of Mbamba. The area fell but not before its lord could flee to the commercial town of Mbumbi.

Sousa Coelho now marched on Mbumbi. Inside the town, the Duke of Mbamba Paulo Afonso and the Marquis of Pemba Cosme led the Kongolese. They had gathered about 3000 bowmen, augmented by 200 nobles fighting as traditional heavy infantry (sword and shield). Before giving battle, the Duke of Mbamba made Confession and received the Sacraments before arming himself with sword, shield and relics of various saints.

At the start of the battle, both sides gave the battle cry “Santiago” before engaging. The Duke’s forces managed to rout the Mbundu archers. But the Imbangala mercenaries would not yield ground and eventually they and the Portuguese counterattacked., breaking the Kongolese army. The duke, marquis, 90 lesser nobles and most of their army were killed. According to Jesuit accounts, the Portuguese took many slaves from the battle and sacked the settlement, not sparing the possessions of the Portuguese established there. The Imbangala, as was their custom, ate many of their prisoners including the bodies of the Duke of Mbamba and the Marquis of Pemba.

The battle of Mbumbi sent shockwaves through Kongo. Anti-Portuguese riots broke out all over the kingdom, resulting in widespread bloodshed. The newly crowned King Pedro II was forced to put those Portuguese that could be saved under his protection at his camp at Mbanda Kasi where he was gathering his forces for a counterattack. The Portuguese victory at Mbumbi put a final nail in the coffin of Kongolese-Portuguese friendship. Kongo declared war on Portuguese Angola, driving them from the kingdom and even taking parts of Portuguese Angola. A final consequence of the battle was King Pedro II’s letter-writing campaign to the Dutch proposing an alliance that would culminate 20 years later in a Dutch invasion of Angola.
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Old December 19th, 2017, 01:01 PM   #4953
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December 19, 1777
Winter at Valley Forge

On December 19, 1777, Washington's poorly fed, ill-equipped army of 12,000 staggered into Valley Forge, 20 miles northwest of Philadelphia. Grounds were selected for brigade encampments, and defense lines were planned and begun. It was not the best place to set up winter camp, as it was unable to defend southern Pennsylvania. The location also left the vulnerable under-supplied army within striking distance of the British, secure in Philadelphia. However, the area was close enough to the British to keep their raiding and foraging parties out of the interior of Pennsylvania, yet far enough away to halt the threat of British surprise attack. The densely forested plateau made the area easily defensible, combined with the Schuylkill River to the north. It also provided abundant forests of timber that were used to construct thousands of log huts.

The first properly constructed hut appeared in 3 days. These huts provided sufficient protection from the moderately cold and wet conditions of a typical Pennsylvania winter. By the beginning of February, construction was completed on 2000 huts. They provided shelter, but did little to offset the critical shortages that continually plagued the army. Washington ordered that two windows should be cut into each hut during the springtime, as the climate grew warmer. Mud was also chipped between the logs to improve ventilation.

The soldiers received inadequate supplies of meat and bread, some getting their only nourishment from “firecake”, a tasteless mixture of flour and water. Occasionally, there would be pepper pot soup, a black pepper-flavored tripe broth. So severe were conditions at times that Washington despaired “that unless some great and capital change suddenly takes place... this Army must inevitably... starve, dissolve, or disperse, in order to obtain subsistence in the best manner they can.” Snow was limited. The layer of snow was often too thin to be collected and melted into drinking water. Alternating freezing and melting of snow and ice made it impossible to keep dry and caused disease to fester. Animals fared no better. Gen. Henry Knox, Washington’s Chief of Artillery, wrote that hundreds of horses either starved to death or died of exhaustion. By the end of the winter, about 700 horses had died.

Clothing, too, was wholly inadequate. Many soldiers who were wounded from previous battles died from exposure. Long marches had destroyed shoes. Blankets were scarce. Tattered garments were seldom replaced. At one point, these shortages caused nearly 4000 men to be listed as unfit for duty. The army was undernourished and poorly clothed, living in crowded, damp quarters. Typhoid, typhus, smallpox (which raged throughout the colonies during the war, killing about 5% of the population), dysentery, and pneumonia were among the numerous diseases that thrived in the camp that winter. These contributed to the death of 2500 soldiers by the spring, along with malnutrition and exposure.

Washington appointed Nathanael Greene as Quartermaster General to take charge of the supplies, his ablest and most trusted lieutenant. In so doing, Washington signaled that the supply situation was a more serious threat to his army’s survival than was Howe’s army. Greene found caches of food and clothing and hauled them there for the troops and horses.

Soldiers deserted in “astonishing great numbers” as the hardships overcame their dedication. Gen. James Mitchell Varnum warned that the desperate lack of supplies would “force the army to mutiny.”

Women who were relatives or wives of enlisted men alleviated some of the suffering by providing valuable services that the army desperately needed, such as laundry and nursing. A group of people called Regimental Camp Followers also helped increase the morale of the soldiers and provided necessary support to the men.

Washington repeatedly petitioned for relief and supplies, but the Continental Congress was unable to provide it; they had little money, and no idea how horrendous the situation was. Finally, on January 24, 1778, 5 Congressmen came to Valley Forge to examine the conditions of the Continental Army after many petitions. Washington greeted them imperatively, “Something must be done. Important alterations must be made.” Washington also informed them that he wanted Congress to take control of the army supply system, pay for the supplies, and replenish them when necessities were scarce. By the end of February, there were enough supplies flowing throughout camp after Congress finally gave full support to monetarily funding the supply lines of the army, along with reorganizing the commissary department, which controlled the gathering of supplies.

Increasing military efficiency, morale, and discipline were as vital to the army’s well-being as its supply of food and arms. The army had been handicapped in battle because unit training was administered from a variety of field manuals, making coordinated movements awkward. The soldiers were trained, but not uniformly. The task of developing and carrying out an effective training program fell to Friedrich von Steuben, a skilled Prussian drill master who had recently arrived from Europe (see posting, Steuben Arrives at Valley Forge). He tirelessly drilled the soldiers, improving their drill greatly; more importantly, he gave them their morale back, which had been lost in the hopeless winter.

After the horrendous winter, the Continental Army learned that France was going to aid their cause by sending military and monetary donations. France had signed an alliance with the United States on February 6, 1778; a celebration of the alliance was organized on May 6 at Valley Forge. Thousands of soldiers performed large drill evolutions and fired salutes from muskets and cannons. At the conclusion of the celebration, each soldier was to be rewarded one gill (a quarter of a pint) of rum.

Soon, word of the British departure from Philadelphia brought a frenzied activity to the ranks of the Continental Army. The army marched away from Valley Forge on June 19, 1778, exactly 6 months after they had arrived, and reoccupied Philadelphia. They then pursued the British toward New York City, engaging at the Battle of Monmouth Court House (June 28, see posting).

The winter at Valley Forge imbued into soldiers a strong will to persevere, endure, and triumph over obstacles. Washington always acknowledged that the perseverance showed by the soldiers at Valley Forge was what made the Continental Army bind together even more strongly and see the struggle through to its end.
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Old December 20th, 2017, 01:20 PM   #4954
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December 20, 1712
Battle of Gadebusch

During 1712, all of Sweden’s possessions south of the Baltic Sea, apart from forts, had been conquered by Denmark, Saxony, and Russia. In the Baltic the Danish admiral Ulrik Gyldenlöve patrolled with a squadron to disrupt Swedish supply lines to the Continent. It was vital for Sweden not to lose Stralsund, as it was the gateway to campaigns in Poland (see posting, Surrender of Stralsund).

While a Danish army moved into the region of Hamburg, a large Russian-Saxon force stood south of Stralsund. Swedish commander Magnus Stenbock could hardly attack this force directly, but hoped that by moving west towards Mecklenburg it could be encircled or scattered. Such a movement would also prevent the joining of the two allied forces. The Danish army was led by King Frederick IV and Jobst von Scholten, who marched toward the Russian-Saxon army, and on December 14, the Danes reached the little town of Gadebusch, southwest of Wismar. Fortunately for Stenbock, the allied movements were slowed due to disagreements among the allied commanders. On December 19, he marched the Swedish army to Gross Brütz less than 6 miles east of Gadebusch. The Russians were too far away to assist the Danes, but Saxon cavalry under Jacob Heinrich von Flemming was approaching quickly.

That night, the Danes broke camp and moved to a better position around the village of Wakenstädt, 2 miles south of Gadebusch. Scholten expected the Swedish attack to come from the south to avoid the marshy Radegast river. At 4:00 AM on December 20, the Danish army was arrayed in defensive formation, with cavalry wings flanking the infantry in the center. As hours passed, snowfall turned to rain. Finally, the Saxon cavalry under Flemming arrived at Wakenstädt at mid-morning. The Allied army now comprised 8300 Danish foot, with 4900 Danish and 3800 Saxon cavalry and 14 guns.

Swedish reconnaissance made it clear that their only option was a frontal assault. Stenbock judged that although the passable terrain was narrow and his men somewhat outnumbered (6500 infantry and 6000 cavalry), the 30 Swedish field guns would provide an advantage.

The Swedish attack began around 11 AM. Swedish artillery opened fire on the tightly grouped Danish battalions and provided cover for the deploying cavalry and infantry. Stenbock held a short speech to his army: “Now you see your enemies before you, do you wish to get at them and show your love for your king and Fatherland?” The answer from the army was a resounding “Yes!” At 1 PM. the order to attack was given. While the artillery kept up its fire, the infantry advanced, not firing until reaching a range of 12 paces. During this time, the Danes remained relatively passive, although firing several long range volleys with little effect. A Danish cavalry counterattack was broken.

To the north, the Swedish cavalry made a flanking movement and surprised the Danish cavalry on the Allied left. The subsequent retreat into Wakenstädt caused confusion in the Danish ranks, which was exploited by the infantry of the Swedish right. Meanwhile, heavy fighting was taking place on the Danish wing where the elite of the Danish army, the royal guard, was positioned supported by the main bulk of the Saxon cavalry. But despite the Allies’ numerical superiority, attacks by the Saxon cavalry were repelled. The two Danish guard regiments fought a hard pressed melee with the Swedish Dalecarlia and Helsinge Regiments. The Danes were gradually pushed back and, when they realized that no cavalry support would be forthcoming, the Danish guards withdrew in good order, though with heavy losses. The Swedes were tired and had also taken considerable losses, so there was no determined pursuit.

The battle wound down by dusk: the Danish and Saxon forces withdrew more or less in good order to a position several miles west of Gadebusch to regroup. All of the Danish artillery had been abandoned. The Allied lost some 2500 men killed or wounded 4000 captured. Swedish losses were 550 dead and 1022 wounded.

Stenbock was promoted to Field Marshal by an approving King Charles XII. The battle gave the hard-pressed Swedish forces some well needed breathing room. Strategically, however, there was little impact, and the allies with their overwhelming numerical superiority would surround and defeat Stenbock’s forces at the Siege of Tönningen the next year.
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Old December 20th, 2017, 01:21 PM   #4955
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398 BC
Siege of Motya

Carthage had stayed away from Sicilian affairs for 70 years after the defeat at Himera in 480 BC (see posting). However, in 409 BC. responding to an appeal for aid from Segesta against Selinus, Carthage had sent an expedition to Sicily under the leadership of Hannibal Mago, resulting in the sacking of Selinus and Himera. Responding to Greek raids on her Sicilian domains, Carthage launched another expedition, under Himilco, that captured Akragas in 406 BC and Gela and Camarina in 405 BC. The conflict ended in 405 BC when Himilco and Syracusan tyrant Dionysius concluded a peace treaty. The treaty secured the Carthaginian sphere of influence in western Sicily. The Greek cities of Selinus, Akragas, Gela and Camarina (Greeks were allowed to return to these cities) became tributary to Carthage. Both Syracuse and Carthage pledged to respect the independence of the Sicels (native Sicilians), Leontini and the city of Messana.

Some Syracusans tried to stage a coup in 405 BC, but Dionysius had managed to defeat the rebels through speedy action and rebel bungling. After the treaty with Carthage was signed, Syracuse was hemmed in by the territories of Camarina and Leontini, the former a vassal of Carthage and the latter hostile to Syracuse, while the Syracusan rebels settled in the city of Aetna.

In the next few years, Dionysius secured his position at home. The city’s defenses were strengthened to the point that Syracuse became the best fortified city of the Greek world, and Dionysius ensured his own security by building a fortress manned by loyal supporters within the walls. He increased the size of the army by hiring mercenaries and building new ships. A secret harbor was created at Laccium covered with screens, which could house 60 triremes.

Dionysius broke the peace treaty in 404 BC by attacking the Sicel city of Herbessus. Carthage did nothing, but part of the Syracusan army joined the rebels from Aetna, and with help from Messina and Rhegion, managed to besiege Dionysius in Syracuse. He thought about fleeing, and only the bungling of the rebels and the help of some Italian mercenaries saved the day for him. Between 403 and 398 BC, Dionysius destroyed the Ionian Greek cities of Catana, which was given to the Campanians, and Naxos, whose Greek citizens he sold into slavery, and gave the city to the Sicels. Lastly, he conquered Leontini, which surrendered without resistance. Dionysius also strengthened his ties with the Italian Greeks by marrying a Locrian lady. His overtures of friendship with Rhegion fell on deaf ears, however. Carthage did nothing to stop these violations of the treaty, namely the attacks on the Sicels and the conquest of Leontini.

In 398 BC, Dionysius sent an embassy to Carthage to declare war unless they agreed to give up all the Greek cities under their control. Before the embassy returned, he let loose his mercenaries on Carthaginians living in Syracusan lands, putting them to the sword and plundering their property. He then set out for Motya with his army, accompanied by 200 warships and 500 transports carrying supplies and war machines.

As Dionysius marched west along the southern coast, Greek cities under Carthaginian control rebelled, killed local Carthaginians, looted their property, and sent soldiers to join Dionysius. Sicels, Sikans and the city of Messene also sent contingents so by the time Dionysius reached Motya, his army had swelled to 80,000 infantry and 3000 cavalry. Dionysius sent his navy under his brother Leptines to blockade Motya, and himself moved with the army to Eryx, which surrendered to him, leaving only the cities of Panormus, Solus, Ancyrae, Segesta and Entella loyal to Carthage in Sicily. Dionysius raided the surrounding areas near the first 3, then placed Segesta and Entella under siege. After these cities had repulsed several assaults, Dionysius himself returned to Motya to oversee the progress of the siege. It was assumed that the cities would surrender once Motya was captured.

The Phoenician city of Motya was situated on a small island in the middle of a mostly shallow lagoon. Its wall often rose from the water’s edge to a thickness of 20 feet and a height of 26-30 feet. Lack of space had compelled the citizens to construct houses often 6 floors high, which often towered over the walls. It seemed that Motya had no standing navy, and may have had a Carthaginian garrison. The Island was connected to the mainland by a mole 4900 feet long on the northern side of the island, with a gate flanked by 2 towers on the island end. A mixed population of Phoenicians and Greeks lived inside. The citizens cut the mole and prepared for a siege before the Greeks arrived to start the blockade.

Himilco was again given the task of responding to the threat. While raising a mercenary army (Carthage did not maintain a standing army) Himilco sent 10 triremes to raid Syracuse itself. They entered the Great Harbor and destroyed all the ships they could find. Himilco next manned 100 triremes with picked crews and sailed to Selinus. From there, the Punic navy sailed to Motya the following day and fell on the transports beached near Lilybaeum, destroying all that lay at anchor. The Carthaginian fleet then moved into the area between Motya and the peninsula to the west of the lagoon, trapping the beached Greek fleet on the northern shallows of the lagoon.

Dionysius in response launched his ships with a great number of archers and slingers and supported them with his land-based catapults. While these dueled with the archers and slingers on board the Carthaginian triremes, taking a heavy toll and preventing Himilco from reaching the beached ships, Dionysius had his men construct a road of wooden planks on the northern isthmus, on which 80 triremes were then hauled to the open sea to the north of the isthmus. Once properly manned, these ships sailed south along the peninsula. The Carthaginian fleet now faced encirclement; Himilco chose not to fight a 2-front battle against superior numbers, and sailed away to Carthage. He had accomplished little except making a sizable dent in Syracusan shipping.

Without interference from the Carthaginian fleet, work on the mole progressed smoothly. Once it was completed, Dionysius brought up his siege towers, which were taller than the walls of Motya and equaled the height of the tallest buildings in the city. Missile fire cleared the wall of defenders. Then battering rams were employed against the gates. The defenders countered by putting men on ship masts, and protecting them with breastworks built on the walls. These "Crows’ nests" were then put beyond the walls, and from these, flax, covered in burning pitch, was dropped on the siege engines, burning them. However, the Greeks learned to douse the flames with fire fighting teams, and the engines finally reached the walls despite Carthaginian efforts.

Forcing holes in the wall itself was only the first step. The Greeks next pushed the siege towers next to the houses closest to the walls, and sent troops on the roofs using gangways, who forced their way into the houses. A fierce hand-to-hand struggle began. The grim fighting continued in this manner for several days and Dionysius decided to change tactics. The battle usually started at daybreak and continued until nightfall, when the Greeks withdrew to rest. One day, Dionysius sent a picked group of mercenaries at night with ladders to secure vantage points. Under cover of darkness, this commando detachment managed to take the positions before the Carthaginians discovered what was going on. Now the weight of numbers was enough to overcome all resistance. Dionysius had intended to secure as many prisoners as possible for the slave market, but the Greeks vented their frustrations by indiscriminately killing the population. Dionysius could only save those who sought refuge in the temples.

Dionysius crucified all Greeks who had fought on the side of Carthage. It is not known if these were mercenaries or citizens of Motya. Dionysius sacked the city and divided the vast spoils among his troops. He garrisoned the ruins with an army mostly of Sicels under an officer named Biton, and then marched away to continue the sieges of Segesta and Entella. It is not know what he did there, but the cities continued to resist. The majority of the fleet sailed back to Syracuse, while Leptines remained behind with 120 ships at Eryx.

Motya was never rebuilt. Himilco chose to resettle the survivors at Lilybaeum, which would become the main base of Carthage in future. Carthage, however, sent an army and fleet to Sicily under Himilco in 397 BC. Himilco chose to sail to Panormus (Palermo), from where the attack on Syracuse and her allies would take place, which would culminate in the siege of Syracuse (397 BC).
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Old December 21st, 2017, 12:40 PM   #4956
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December 21, 1931
Chinchow Operation

In late November 1931, Japanese Army commander in chief Gen. Shigeru Honjo dispatched 10,000 soldiers in 13 armored trains, escorted by a squadron of bombers, in an advance from Mukden to Chinchow. This force advanced to within 20 miles of Chinchow when it received an order to withdraw. The operation was cancelled by Japanese War Minister Gen. Jiro Minami, due to the acceptance of a modified League of Nations proposal for a neutral zone to be established as a buffer zone between the Republic of China proper and Manchuria pending a future Chinese-Japanese peace conference.

However the two sides failed to reach a lasting agreement. The Japanese government soon fell and was replaced by a new cabinet led by Tsuyoshi Inukai. Further negotiations with the Chinese government failing, the Japanese government approved an increase in the military forces in Manchuria.

Following the defeat of General Ma Zhanshan in Heilongjiang province, and in anticipation of reinforcements, a new Japanese offensive was launched in Manchuria on December 21. Gen. Honjo insisted that his troops were advancing “to clear the country of bandits”, and added that the Chinese evacuation of Chinchow was “absolutely imperative”. Most of the “bandits” were actually the newly-organizing Anti-Japanese Volunteer Armies but some real bandits were also exploiting the chaos following the collapse of the Chinese government and its Northeastern Army following the Mukden Incident and the Japanese invasion of Manchuria.

While other Japanese forces and collaborationist Manchurian troops spread out from their bases along the South Manchurian Railway to clear the countryside from Mukden, the Japanese headquarters in Manchuria, the brigades of Japanese 2nd Infantry Division advanced southward in the night, supported by squadrons of bombers to force the Chinese to evacuate Chinchow.

The Japanese estimated the Chinese had 84,000 defenders, with 58 artillery pieces, in 2 separate systems of entrenchments defending the city. The Chinese first defensive line, 20 miles north of the city, aimed to stop the Japanese advance at the Taling River Bridge on the Peiping-Mukden Railway. The Chinese had a second line of defenses completely encircling Chinchow to fall back on if the Japanese broke through the first line.

Lt. Gen. Jiro Tamon’s 12,000 troops cautiously advanced south from Mukden. The temperature was -30 F, and Japanese forces were camouflaged in overwhites. Japanese reconnaissance aircraft reported a force of at least 3000 “bandits” waiting to defend Panshan County. Brushing aside these Chinese skirmishers in a series of clashes, Tamon prepared to crush the first serious Chinese resistance, expected at Goubangzi, 30 miles north of Chinchow.

By the evening of December 31, 1931, the Japanese advance guard was 10 miles from Chinchow on the banks of the Taling River. Tamon halted briefly to bring up the rest of his division for the final drive. The Japanese War Office announced in a radio broadcast “The Battle of the Taling River”, setting up microphones behind the Japanese lines, arranging an elaborate hookup to broadcast the sound of firing to Tokyo, but then had to call off the broadcast when the Chinese retreated without giving combat.

Japanese forces occupied Chinchow on January 3, 1932, with the local populace waving Japanese flags homemade during the night to appease the conquerors. The brief campaign had cost 3000 Chinese and 300 Japanese casualties.

Confusion reigned in the Chinese government. The old government of Chiang Kai-shek at Nanking had resigned and a new one under Premier Sun Fo had been formed. Additionally, Marshal Chang Hsueliang’s Manchurian Army was in disorderly retreat toward the Great Wall, leaving only a small garrison to protect the few government functionaries who remained behind. At Nanking Eugene Chen, the new Foreign Minister, asserted that his government had never ordered evacuation of Chinchow, but, on the contrary, had ordered Marshal Chang repeatedly to stand his ground. Nine Chinese generals denounced Premier Sun’s new government, blaming it for the humiliating loss of Chinchow without a struggle.

The day after the fall of Chinchow, the Japanese Army occupied Shan-hai-kuan, thus completing its conquest of south Manchuria.
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Old December 22nd, 2017, 01:09 PM   #4957
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December 22, 1860
Battle of Calpulalpan

After the end of the Mexican War of Independence, the country was strongly divided into two groups, the Liberals and the Conservatives. Conservatives favored a strong centralized government, with many wanting a European-style monarchy. They also favored protecting many of the institutions inherited from the colonial period, including tax and legal exemptions for the Catholic Church and the military. Liberals favored the establishment of a federal republic based on ideas coming out of the European Enlightenment, and the limiting of the Church’s and military’s privileges.

In the 1850s the Liberals ousted Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna (again). Liberals exiled to the US during the Santa Anna regime, including Benito Juarez returned to Mexico, and other Liberals came to national prominence, including Miguel and Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada. They believed that the entrenched power of the Roman Catholic Church and the military were the source of most of Mexico's problems.

The Reform Era began in 1855, with a wide range of laws restricting Church privileges and powers. A new constitution in 1857 did not establish the Catholic Church as the official and exclusive religious institution. Each of the Reform Laws met strong resistance from Conservatives, the Church and the military, culminating in military action and war. Gen. Tomas Mejía rebelled against the Liberal government in the defense of the Catholic identity of Mexico in the Sierra Gorda region of Queretaro. Mejía would conduct operations against Liberal forces for the next eight years. The Church declared that anyone who took an oath of allegiance to the new constitution was automatically excommunicated.

On December 17, Conservative Gen. Felix Zuloaga, commanding the Mexico City garrison, mutinied and declared the Plan of Tacubaya, undoing all the Liberal reforms. Pres. Ignacio Comonfort agreed to the terms, but soon changed his mind and fled to the US in January 1858. Benito Juarez, then president of the Supreme Court, became acting president, leading to 2 rival governments. Juarez was chased to Guadalajara, where his troops mutinied. He and his ministers reached Manzanillo and eventually reached the US. Before leaving, he named Santos Degollado as commander of the Liberal “Army of the North and West.”

Miguel Miramon, youngest and ablest of the Conservative generals, marched north from Mexico City and drove Liberal forces back into Nuevo Leon. Guadalajara fell in July and the Pacific coast was reached soon after. However, Liberal guerrillas filtered back into the territory as soon as Conservative troops had passed.

On February 2, 1859, Miramon was made president and moved on the traditional Liberal stronghold of Veracruz, but a lack of heavy artillery frustrated his efforts. Yellow fever broke out among his troops and Degollado was threatening the capital with 4000 men, so Miramon retreated. Degollado paused outside Mexico City, waiting for the city’s Liberals to rise. They did not and Miramon caught him at Tacubaya on April 10-11, dealing a crushing defeat. Captured Liberal officers were shot.

By this time the war had become one of vengeance. Haciendas were sacked by both sides as well as by bandits. Towns were forced to pay protection money. Priests refused the sacraments to Liberals, for which they were frequently shot, and Liberals sacked the Cathedral at Morelia.

On November 13, Miramon defeated Degollado again at La Estancia and then made another attempt on Veracruz. While he besieged the port, a Conservative squadron of 2 steamers appeared offshore on March 6, 1860. The senior US naval officer present had orders not to recognize any blockade of Mexican ports by Conservative forces, and put 80 men aboard 2 merchant steamers under charter to the Juarez regime and captured the Conservative vessels in a brief fight. Although a court in New Orleans declared the captures illegal and the ships returned, their absence forced Miramon to raise the siege. On the way back to Mexico City, he defeated a Liberal army at Jalisco.

The Conservative army was now suffering the effect of the loss of revenue from Veracruz’s customs duties. Revenue supplied by the Church was dwindling. At the same time, the Liberal army was learning discipline and finding new, more capable officers. On August 10, 1860 a Liberal army of 8000 men and 38 guns under Gonzalez Ortega and Ignacio Zaragoza defeated Miramon (3280 men and 18 guns) at Silao, capturing 2000 men, and went on to occupy Guanajuato. It was Miramon’s first defeat in the field. Demonstrating a new confidence, the Liberals released most of the prisoners on parole.

Both sides, desperate for revenue, seized money belonging to British merchants. The money was too late to help the Conservatives. On September 22, the Liberals besieged Guadalajara. On November 1, Conservative Gen. Marquez was defeated at nearby Zapotlanejo, losing 3000 men and 18 guns. Guadalajara surrendered 2 days later.

Miramon, cutting his way through guerrillas harassing Mexico City with 8000 men, confronted Liberal Gen. Gonzalez and 20,000 men at San Miguel Calpulalpan on December 22. The Conservative army was destroyed in a 2-hour battle, losing 800 dead, 1200 wounded and 6000 captured. Miramon fled and eventually reached France. Liberal forces entered Mexico City on January 1, 1861. Juarez arrived 11 days later.

Juarez proclaimed amnesty for all but a few Conservative generals, but he expelled the Spanish and Guatemalan ministers and the Papal delegate for their support of the Conservatives. Many Conservative leaders, including Zuloaga, Marquez and Mejia took up guerrilla warfare against the victorious Liberals.

The degree of savagery and destruction had not been experienced in Mexico since the Hidalgo Uprising of 1810. Many on both sides ignored any moral restraints on their conduct. Accurate figures as to casualties and property lost are not available, However, some 200,000 men bore arms.

Juarez’s interim presidency was confirmed by his election in March 1861. However, the Liberals’ celebrations were short-lived. The war had severely damaged Mexico’s infrastructure and crippled its economy. While the Conservatives had been defeated, they would not disappear and the Juarez government had to respond to pressures from these factions. One of these concessions was amnesty to captured Conservative guerrillas, even though these same guerrillas were executing captured Liberals. Juarez also faced external pressures from countries such as Great Britain, Spain and France owing to the large amounts indebted to them. Conservative factions in Mexico would eventually conspire with the French government to return them to power.
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Old December 23rd, 2017, 12:46 PM   #4958
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December 23, 1870
Battle of the Hallue

After the fall of Amiens, on September 27, 1870, and its occupation by the Prussian Army, the French Northern Army fell back towards Doullens and Bapaume to build up its strength again. It received a fresh supply of troops, allowing it to turn out 3 divisions. Gen. Louis Faidherbe, lately entrusted with the command of this army, sent Gen. Lecointe towards St-Quentin with the mission to act on the Haute Somme. 4 battalions succeeded in taking possession of Ham and its fortress. Faidherbe then gave the order to withdraw towards Amiens.

On December 17, the regrouped Northern Army occupied the Hallue valley from Bavelincourt to Daours. The 43,000 men were divided into two corps; 22nd (2 divisions under Gens. Derroja and du Dessol) and 23rd (2 divisions under Gens. Moulac and Robin). These troops were billeted in all the villages of the valley and outposts settled on a line passing through the woods of St-Gratien, Allonville and Querrieu. At the same time, Gen. von der Goeben, with Prussian 8th Corps, arrived at Amiens and its environs.

On the 20th, Prussian 6th Cavalry Brigade sent a strong reconnaissance force to Querrieu, encountering the French outpost there, garrisoned by 2 battalions. A fierce fight ensued and the Prussians, finding their flank threatened by a French counterattack, withdrew back towards Amiens, having lost 72 casualties, to 27 French.

Gen. Edwin von Manteuffel, recently appointing to command Prussian 1st Army, arrived at Amiens on December 22 and ordered an attack for the following morning. 15th Division was to attack straight to the river, while 16th Division would outflank the French right. He had 22,500 Prussian veterans to face the 40,000 mostly raw French defenders. The battle would be fought on snow-covered ground in icy temperatures, exacerbated by a wind from the north.

The Prussians moved out at 8:00 AM on the 23rd. 15th Division pushed French outposts back to the river, but not before these raised the alarm. At about 11:00, 29th Brigade, with cavalry and artillery support, attacked Querrieu, taking it after an hour’s hard fighting. A follow-up attack on nearby Pont-Noyelles was halted. At 3:00, the Prussians tried to scale the hills to the east, but were repelled by a bayonet countercharge.

To the south, the Prussians took the village of Bussy-les-Daours by 1:00, then launched a vigorous attack on Vecquemont, defended by 19th Light Infantry Battalion and some marines. This attack made no progress. Manteuffel brought up more guns and fresh ammunition and renewed the attack, taking the village shortly after 4:00. On the northern flank, Prussian 30th Brigade took Fréchencourt, but failed to take the heights beyond the village.

North of the main fight, Prussian 16th Division advanced from Amiens all morning without encountering any French troops. At 1:00, they began to move in on the French flank. Passing beyond St-Gratien, Prussian 31st Brigade was ordered to reach Montigny-sur-l'Hallue. At 3:00, they pushed French 2nd Brigade from Montigny and pushed toward Béhencourt. The French destroyed the Hallue bridges, but the Prussians, under heavy fire, launched a foot-bridge over the river. With fresh supplies coming from 32nd Brigade, the Prussians took possession of Beaucourt, Montigny, Béhencourt and Bavelincourt while their artillery took up position north of Fréchencourt. This artillery cannonade had no effect; the French artillery was on higher ground and too far away. The Prussian advance ground to a halt.

By 4:00, darkness was falling. The Prussians controlled the right side of the Hallue River and Pont-Noyelles village. Their flanking movement had failed and French troops were beginning to come in sight southeast of Contay, heading for Beaucourt. Faidherbe now gave the order for a general counterattack. In the center, Gen. Lecointe, having assembled all troops still organized, launched an attack on Pont-Noyelles, but his troops were untrained for night combat and Manteuffel had reinforced the village. The attack failed. In the south, the French succeeded in crossing the river between Querrieu and Bussy, but were halted by Prussian reserves. An attack toward Vecquemont was also stopped.

By 7:00, the field was in complete darkness. The Prussians held all the villages in the valley and billeted there. The French Army was obliged to bivouac in its positions, by night on the snowy heights, where the temperature fell to 18°F and an icy wind was blowing without any obstacle.

At 9:00 on the morning of the 24th, the French artillery opened up on Béhencourt without any Prussian reply. Gen. Faidherbe made up his mind to retreat. The withdrawal, protected by an effective rearguard, began at about 2:00. The Prussians would only begin the pursuit on the following day. The limited victory had cost them 1000 casualties. The French lost 1000 killed and wounded, plus 1300 prisoners. The Prussian conquest of the north stalled for a few weeks, but in January the government forced Faidherbe to engage the Prussians in a major battle.

The army was severely weakened by low morale, supply problems, the terrible winter weather and low troop quality, whilst Faidherbe was unable to command due to poor health, the result of decades of campaigning in West Africa. At the Battle of St. Quentin (January 19), the Army of the North suffered a crushing defeat and was scattered, releasing thousands of Prussian soldiers to be relocated to the East.
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Old December 23rd, 2017, 12:46 PM   #4959
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343 BC
1st Samnite War

By the 340s BC, the southward expansion of Rome’s territory had reached the River Liris (Garigliano), the boundary between Latium and Campania. The northern part of this area was inhabited by the Sidicini, the Aurunci and the Ausoni (a subgroup of the Aurunci). The central and southern part was inhabited by the Campanians, who had migrated from Samnium and were closely related to the Samnites, but had developed their own distinctive identity. The Samnites were a confederation of 4 tribes who lived in the mountains east of Campania and were the most powerful people in the area.

Diodorus Siculus and Livy report that in 354 BC, Rome and the Samnites concluded a treaty, but neither lists the terms. Modern historians have proposed that the treaty established the river Liris as the boundary between their spheres of influence, with Rome’s lying to its north and the Samnites’ to its south. This arrangement broke down as a result of a Samnite attempt to expand to the west. In 343 BC they attacked the Sidicini, who called for help from Campania, their southern neighbor. Capua, the most important Campanian city state and leader of a northern Campanian league, responded to the call, but their army was badly defeated. The Samnites then advanced south into Campania, defeated the Campanians for a second time outside Capua, and then besieged the city.

The Campanians sent envoys to Rome to ask for help. This presented the Romans with a problem. The Samnites had been their allies for the last decade, but the Romans couldn’t afford to see them expand into the fertile coastal plains of Campania. According to Livy, at first the Senate refused to turn on their allies. The Campanians responded by surrendering their league into Roman possession. This forced the Senate’s hand. Envoys were sent to the Samnite assembly asking them not to attack the new Roman territory. When the Samnites refused, the Romans declared war.

Both of the consuls for 343 BC led armies against the Samnites. Marcus Valerius Corvus was sent into Campania, while Cornelius Arvina invaded Samnium. Valerius was the first to clash with the Samnites. He advanced south into Campania, eventually reaching Mt. Gaurus, west of Naples and some way south of Capua (Livy doesn’t say if this move forced the Samnites to lift the siege). A hard fought battle followed. After a few days of skirmishes Valerius decided to risk a full scale battle. The battle began with a lengthy clash between the infantry, which was inconclusive. Valerius must have pulled his infantry back a short distance, for he then launched a cavalry charge in an attempt to break the enemy line. This also failed. Valerius then dismounted and led a fresh infantry assault. Even this failed to break the Samnite lines, and it only as night approached did they begin to fall back. The Samnites withdrew from the battle field, and the siege of Capua was definitely lifted.

Cornelius Arvina led his army just across the border into Samnium. As he advanced from Saticula he marched into a Samnite trap in a narrow valley. The situation was saved by Publius Decius Mus, a military tribune, who noticed an unoccupied peak behind the Samnite lines. He asked Cornelius Arvina to give him the hastati and principes from one of the legions (2400 men). Decius and his detachment then marched back up the pass, and managed to reach the high point before they were detected. The Samnites were now in a tricky situation. If they attempted to attack the Consul in the valley they would be exposed to attack from above, while the hill Decius Mus had occupied was a strong position, and would have been difficult to attack. Night fell before they had made up their mind, leaving the Romans only partly surrounded on the hill. Decius Mus took advantage of this, and overnight led his men through the Samnite lines, and early on the next day rejoined the main army. The next day, the Roman army attacked the still-dispersed Samnites. Caught by surprise, the Samnites suffered a heavy defeat. Despite this, Cornelius Arvina is not recorded as having advanced any further into the mountains of Samnium.

Throughout the Samnite Wars the Samnites showed an impressive ability to form new armies (or suffered much smaller losses than recorded by the Romans). A new Samnite army was formed, and advanced into Campania, where it threatened Capua. Messengers from the city reached the camp of Valerius Corvus, who was probably still based at Mt. Gaurus, off to the south.

When he reached Suessula after a forced march, Valerius built a much smaller camp than was normal, taking advantage of the lack of baggage and camp followers, still back at Mt. Gaurus. When the Samnites saw the Roman camp they believed that they were only facing a small army. Their commanders managed to prevent them from launching an impetuous attack on the camp, and the two sides settled down into a short period of inactivity. Soon, the Samnites were dangerously short of supplies, and believing that they were only facing a weak force they sent out large foraging parties. Valerius took advantage of this to launch an attack on the Samnite camp, capturing it in the first rush. Valerius then sent his cavalry to force the Samnite foraging parties against his infantry, in the process inflicting massive casualties.

No fighting is reported for 342. Instead the sources focus on a mutiny by part of the soldiery. According to the most common variant, following the Roman victories of 343 the Campanians asked Rome for winter garrisons. Subverted by the luxurious lifestyle of the south, the garrison soldiers started plotting to seize control and set themselves up as masters of Campania. However the conspiracy was discovered by the consuls of 342 before the coup could be carried out. Afraid of being punished, the plotters mutinied, formed a rebel army and marched against Rome. Marcus Valerius Corvus was nominated dictator to deal with the crisis; he managed to convince the mutineers to lay down their arms without bloodshed and a series of economic, military and political reforms were passed to deal with their grievances. A notable reform was that one of the consuls had to be a plebeian.

Livy writes that in 341 one of the Roman consuls, Lucius Aemilius Mamercus, entered Samnite territory but found no army to oppose him. He was ravaging their territory when Samnite envoys came to ask for peace. The Samnites now intended to go to war against the Sidicini who were no friends of Rome and the Romans were concerned that Latium was about to revolt (see posting, Latin War). Once peace had been concluded the Roman army withdrew from Samnium.
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Old December 24th, 2017, 12:59 PM   #4960
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December 24, 1969
The Boats of Cherbourg

The Israeli naval command had reached the conclusion by the early 1960s that their old WWII-era destroyers and frigates were obsolete and new vessels were needed. A survey was undertaken and the German shipyard of Lürssen was recommended. The shipyard was asked to design a new class of small missile boats and to modify the suggested wooden Jaguar-class torpedo boats according to Israeli Navy requirements. Due to Arab League pressure on the German government, this plan was not continued and a new builder was sought. The Israeli Navy survey recommended the Cherbourg-based CMN shipyard. The boats were constructed by the French and the MTU engines were German-designed.

This was during the “Golden Age” of relations between Israel and France. After the Six-Day War, relations began to worsen. French Pres. Charles de Gaulle halted the export of weapons to Israel. In 1968, Israeli paratroopers carried out a raid on Beirut airport during operations against the PLO. As a result, de Gaulle, eager to reinforce France’s relationship with the Arab world, ordered a full arms embargo on Israel. The resignation of de Gaulle and the election of Georges Pompidou as president of France inspired hope in Israel, but Pompidou maintained the embargo. Meanwhile, construction of the boats continued according to the original plan; and while the Israeli naval mission was in Cherbourg, controlling the project, Israeli crews were aboard the completed boats and the whole project was fully paid for.

The loss of the destroyer INS Eilat during an attack by Komar-class missile boats on October 21, 1967 and the accidental loss of the submarine INS Dakar in 1968, as well as the general ageing of the Israeli fleet, brought naval planners to the conclusion that the boats had to be taken from France by any means.

During that period, several events worked in favor of the Israelis. In 1967, the 7th of the 12 boats ordered, INS Mivtach, was completed and launched. A telecom from Israeli Navy command informed the Israelis in Cherbourg that the embargo was expected to escalate, and the boats would have to sail immediately to Haifa during sea trials, ignoring French protocols for leaving port. This angered the French, and they ordered the Israeli Navy and the other boats to dock at the commercial port, which was unguarded.

The boats were transferred to a front company called Starboat, allegedly a Norwegian company for oil drills. The front company people were Mossad members led by Benyamin Vered, one of the highest ranking commanders of Mossad. The company feigned interest in the boats as potential survey craft, and declared that the boats’ specifications met their needs. The terms agreed were that the boats would be transferred to Starboat and would be crewed by members of the Israeli Navy due to their experience with the boats. The boats were sold and transferred legally by the government of Israel to the front company with the approval of Michel Debré, the French Defense Minister.

The next stage of the operation was to build a day-to-day routine with the aim of ultimately misleading the French at Cherbourg. Israeli skeleton crews took over the boats and maintained a routine of short voyages out into Atlantic. The skeleton crews were secretly reinforced by 80 Israeli Navy personnel in civilian clothes who arrived in groups of 2 at different destinations throughout Europe as tourists, and then traveled to Cherbourg. It was feared that sending them all to Cherbourg at once would alert French intelligence. They were ordered to keep moving between hotels, and not to stay in any one for more than one night. The crews traveled on Israeli passports so that in the event they were caught, they could not be charged with passport fraud. By December 23, all crews had arrived, and were scattered around the city.

Prior to the escape, the boats had to be fuelled with large amount of diesel and stocked with enough food to sustain an 8-day voyage. Stocking and fueling this amount all at once could have alerted observers that a long voyage was planned. Cmdr. Rinat, the head of operations, instead ordered the boats to be gradually fuelled using a small 5-ton tank truck. A quarter of a million liters of fuel was smuggled in drums and hidden belowdecks. The supply officer bought fresh and dry food from local grocery stores to stock on the boats. To prevent arousing suspicion, the supplies were purchased in small quantities each time. By December 24, the boats had been fully fuelled and stored.

Since sudden engine noise during the night of the escape would alert the French, the operation’s commander, Captain Hadar Kimhi, ordered the boats’ engines to be regularly started at nights, causing the inhabitants of Cherbourg to become accustomed to the noise. The local police visited the boats in response to inhabitants’ complaints, and received the explanations that the electrical supply from the shore was not enough to warm the boats during the cold days of December. The boats received an authorization from the electric company and police to operate their engines at night.

Meanwhile, the navigation company Europe Lines was approached to help in providing fuel, once the boats had left Cherbourg. Assistance was provided by Edmond Wilhelm Brillant, a retired navy officer and a naval architect. He designated MV Lea to provide fuel at Gibraltar and MV Nahariya as a backup in the Bay of Biscay (both general cargo ships that were available at that time). Both were converted into fuelling vessels.

The boats were to escape on Christmas Eve. On the eve of the escape, the skeleton crews continued to maintain the boats, while the 80 reinforcements hid belowdecks. The Israelis feared that the boats could sink while sailing through the Bay of Biscay in severe winter conditions. The group had a meteorologist assigned, who monitored all regional weather forecasts. Despite a forecast predicting rain from the southwest, the crews were ordered to sail out at 2030. There was a force 9 storm on the night of the escape, and after the weather worsened, the departure time was extended to 2230, but the escape was again delayed by worsening weather. Captain Kimhi received urgent coded messages from Israel ordering him to set sail despite the weather, but he decided to wait. At midnight, the meteorologist picked up a BBC report indicating that the storm would die down in 2 hours. At 0230, the boats left Cherbourg and headed slowly out to sea. It is speculated that Israeli preparations had been spotted by some locals, who ignored them; Cherbourg’s shipbuilding industry had been in a slump and locals did not like the idea of a customer going away unhappy.

The French were initially unaware that the boats had left port, and their absence was noticed by a reporter who visited the port. He immediately reported it to the BBC, almost 12 hours after the escape, and the French authorities were informed by the BBC. A TV news team flew out over the North Sea to see if the boats were heading towards Norway, to where they had ostensibly been sold, while other news crews headed out over the Mediterranean.

The boats crossed the Bay of Biscay before turning south and crossing into the Mediterranean, meeting Israeli support ships along the way. As the boats passed Gibraltar into the Mediterranean, the British monitoring station flashed a signal, asking the boats to identify themselves. They gave no reply, and a Lloyd’s helicopter detected no flags or ID numbers. The British personnel, who had heard the media reports of the disappearance of the Israeli boats from Cherbourg, correctly guessed the boats’ nationalities and true destination, then flashed the signal “bon voyage”. The Israelis took it as a signal that the British understood who they were and were supportive. Near Crete, Israeli Air Force F-4 Phantom fighters met up with the boats and provided escort.

French Defense Minister Debré ordered an air strike to sink the boats. The French Chief of Staff refused to obey and replied he would resign rather than obey the order, which was countermanded by Prime Minister Jacques Chaban-Delmas, who prevented any further escalation. Although the French government was furious, it realized that there was little that could be done, since the boats were already on the high seas when the ruse was uncovered. French Foreign Minister Maurice Schumann warned that if the boats appeared in Israel, “the consequences will be very grave indeed”. The boats arrived at Haifa on December 31 and were met with public jubilation.

Israel turned to American supplies of weapons. The Israeli Air Force began to be equipped by American aircraft, while the United States Navy started to train the Israeli Navy's high command and increased the level of naval cooperation.

According to British intelligence writer Gordon Thomas, following the affair, Mossad agents were watched “as closely as any terrorist” when they were deployed to France to track down and kill Middle Eastern terrorists. Many times, terrorists would escape after being tipped off by a pro-Arab French intelligence officer.
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