The Military History Thread

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November 23, 1918
Carinthian Conflict

The Austro-Hungarian Empire began to dissolve even before an official end to war was declared. On October 5-8, 1918 a National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs took control over the regional administration in Zagreb. On October 29, the National Council declared the formation of a Yugoslav state, following a rejection of a plan of greater autonomy within Austria-Hungary. The Entente powers did not recognize the new state before it merged with Kingdom of Serbia only 3 days later in an effort to gain a stable and recognized country, as well as discouraging Italy from conquering Slav-settled territory promised to Italy in the 1915 Treaty of London.

No formal border was yet recognized among the newly created entities, with both sides claiming that they are in control of the area along the ethnically mixed settlements. The National Government in Ljubljana did not pay any particular attention to the border issue, as it was planning on gaining territory through negotiations during the peace conference. The municipal council of the largely German-speaking town of Marburg an der Drau (Maribor) declared the municipality a part of German-Austria on October 30.

In the Declaration of State concerning the extent, frontiers and relations of the territory of the State of German-Austria of November 22, the newly founded republic of German-Austria laid claim to a frontier along the Karawanken mountains and the entire territory of Carinthia with the exception of the community of Seeland. Although elsewhere the right to ethnic self-determination was used as an argument (in the face of the threat of the loss of territory in the German-speaking areas of Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia), in the case of Carinthia geographic, transport and economic viewpoints were cited. The populations of Slovene-speaking or mixed-language districts were expected to consent to remaining in German-Austria. However, the new Kingdome of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugo-Slavia) laid claim to the southern parts of Carinthia and Styria on the basis of the Slovenes living there.

The Slovene National Council for Styria assigned the task of securing Marburg to Rudolf Maister, a former Austrian officer. On October 31, Maister announced his objection to the municipal declaration of Marburg at the barracks of the 26th Infantry Regiment. On November 9, Maister announced full mobilization of Lower Styria, opposed by both the German-Austrian government and authorities in Ljubljana. His forces grew to about 4000 fighters, by November 21. In response, German Austrian veterans organized their own paramilitary units, the Heimwher, analagous to the German freikorps.

On November 23, the Slovene irregulars began to seize control of guard posts throughout the Marburg region, disarming the local guardsmen controlled by the municipality. From November 27, the Slovenes took control of several towns and secured the Meza Valley. Lučane was the site of the 1st major clash on January 14, 1919. Following minor fights between the Slovene and Austrian militias, a larger battle occurred on February 4 near Radgona. Plans were set by Maister to attack and capture Klagenfurt, but these were abandoned following negotiations. On February 13 a peace treaty was signed by both parties.

With the occupation of southeastern Carinthia by Yugoslav troops, and the confrontation evolving into armed clashes, the provisional Carinthian government under Governor Arthur Lemisch decided to head off the armed struggle in order to preserve Austrian territory. Bitter fighting of paramilitary groups around Arnoldstein and Ferlach alarmed the Entente powers. They arbitrated a ceasefire, after which a US Army commission under Lt. Col. Sherman Miles scouted the disputed region in January and February 1919 and made the crucial recommendation that the Karawanks frontier should be retained, thus opening the possibility of a plebiscite. Yugoslav representatives urged for a border on the Drava; American delegates however spoke in favor of preserving the unity of the Klagenfurt Basin and convinced the British and French delegations to support their plan of plebiscite for the entire Klagenfurt region.

On April 29, Yugoslav troops breached the ceasefire agreement. Armed clashes occurred throughout the region, with noticeable Yugoslav gains. Resistance soon stiffened, however, and Austrian counterattacks regained some of the lost ground. By May 2, the Austrians had recovered Völkermarkt. A fierce battle along the Gallizien-Apace line on May 4-6 destroyed a Slovene battalion and secured the position for Austria. The remaining Slovene units continued to retreat back into lower Styria, while almost all of the area gained during the winter clashes was lost to the advancing Austrians. The last to fall was Dravograd before units of the Royal Yugoslav Army held around Gutenstein.

After the military defeat, authorities in Ljubljana mobilized all their assets and drafted regiments from Serbia to regain lost territory. On May 26, a new offensive began, lasting until June 6, during which the Yugoslavs managed to capture much of the Klagenfurt region as far north as Maria Saal. At this point, the Powers at the Paris Peace Conference ordered the Yugoslavs to retreat from the Klagenfurt basin by July 31.

The Treaty of Saint-Germain with the Republic of Austria, signed on September 10, 1919, should have determined the Austrian-Yugoslav border. It ascertained that some small parts of Carinthia, the Meza Valley with the town of Dravograd and the Jezersko municipal area, would be incorporated into the new Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes while the fate of wider southeastern Carinthia area down to the Klagenfurt Basin was to be determined by a plebiscite.

The outcome of the plebiscite, held on October 10, 1920, was 59.1% for remaining in Austria and 40.9% for annexation by Yugo-Slavia. If the whole German-speaking minority voted for Austria, every second Carinthian Slovene agreed. The region was placed under Austrian administration and declared part of the sovereign Austrian Republic on November 22. October 10 remains a public holiday in the State of Carinthia.

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156 BC
Roman-Dalmatian Wars

The Dalmatae, just inland from the coast of Illyria and similar in customs, had once been subject to Pleuratus III of Illyria but had broken away on the accession of Gentius in 181 BC, when they proceeded to attack neighboring peoples, forcing them to pay tribute in cattle and corn. In 158 BC the Greek city of Issa complained to her Roman ally that the Dalmatae were molesting their mainland settlements of Tragurium and Epetium; similar complaints were received from the Illyrian Daorsi, neighbors of the Dalmatae on the south.

A Roman ex-consul, Caius Fannius Strabo, was sent to investigate and report on affairs in Illyria and in particular on the activities of the Dalmatae. He reported that the latter had not only refused him a hearing but made no provision for his accommodation and even stole the horses he had borrowed for the journey. The Senate was indignant, but Polybius reports that the decision to send an expedition across the Adriatic was a matter of considered policy. Illyria had been neglected since the defeat of Demetrius of Pharos in the 2nd Illyrian War of 219 BC (see posting) and it was high time the Illyrians were reminded of Roman authority. However, for public consumption it was the insult to the Roman ambassador.

The expedition of 156 BC which was led by consul C. Marcius Figulus landed in Narona. Figulus was caught off guard while pitching camp and driven back to the River Narenta. Next the Romans marched via the Trebizat valley to Delminium where the main Dalmatae army was stationed. The capital was well fortified and protected and thus the Romans failed to catch the Illyrians unawares and could only set up a blockade before winter set in, though some lesser strongholds were taken. In 155 BC the consul P. Cornelius Scipio forced a surrender after fierce confrontations. The fortifications were destroyed, the place was turned into a sheep-pasture and the consul returned home to celebrate his triumph.

Nearly 40 years passed before the next Roman attack on the Dalmatae, but the motives according to Appian, were no less dubious. In 118 BC the consul of the previous year L. Caecilius Metellus, led an expedition for which he was awarded the title Dalmaticus. War was declared not because the Dalmatae had done anything wrong but merely in order to procure another triumph for the Metellus family. In the event the Illyrians received him as a friend and he wintered among them in the town of Salona, following which he returned to Rome and was awarded a triumph.

The next campaign was altogether a more serious business, although little is known of it except that the proconsul C. Cosconius overcame most of the Dalmatae in a 2-year campaign between 78 and 76 BC, which concluded with the capture of Salona.

From 58 to 50 BC the Dalmatae were in the charge of Julius Caesar, proconsul of Gaul and Illyricum, though the commander was able to give little attention to his Adriatic responsibilities. During the subsequent civil war the Dalmatae supported Pompey, in opposition to the Roman settlers at Salona, Narona and elsewhere, who remained loyal to the party of Caesar. In 50 BC the Dalmatae attacked the Liburnians (another Illyrian people) for the possession of the city of Promona. The Liburnians were unable to resist and called on Caesar for help. The Romans immediately sent a force which was crushed. Late in 48 BC the Dalmatae ambushed a Caesarian army of 15 cohorts and 3000 cavalry under the ex-consul Aulus Gabinius at Synodion, probably somewhere in the Cikola valley. The Roman army was nearly annihilated, losing 5 standards; Gabinius himself reached Salona but was so short of supplies that he had to plunder them from the Dalmatae, leading to further losses. Gabinius soon died in Salona. Roman proconsuls continued to engage the Dalmatae after Caesar’s victory over Pompey. In 45-44 BC, Publius Vatinius wrote from Narona more than once to Cicero pleading for help. On July 31, 42 BC, Vatinius finally obtained his triumph over some fortifications but not over the whole federation. In 41 BC the senator Balbius attacked the federation with 5 cohorts. The Dalmatae were victorious and Balbius himself was killed in action. The Dalmatae went on the offensive and retook Salona.

After eliminating the destructive power of Sextus Pompey in Sicily in 36 BC (see posting, Battle of Naulochus), Octavian devoted the following years to operations in Illyria, first in 35 BC against the Pannonians then, in 34-33 BC, against the Dalmatae. Not only had they remained in arms after the departure of Vatinius but they still held the 5 standards seized from Gabinius’ army in 48 BC. Octavian first moved against Promona, where the Dalmatae leader Verzo had stationed most of his army of 12,000 in order to ambush the Romans on the march. Reaching Promona, Octavian first took the surrounding hills and then proceeded to attack the city. Testimus, the other Dalmatae commander, was cut off by the Romans on his way to aid Verzo. Promona was taken, Verzo killed and the Dalmatae ordered to disperse by Testimus, while the Romans attacked his strongholds. Tetsimus’ guerrilla tactics did not deter Octavian from capturing Synodium and Andetrium. Afterwards the army advanced up the Cikola valley. Testimus poured all his troops into the city of Setovia. In the Battle of Setovia (probably the Sutina gorge) Octavian was wounded and left the scene, handing over command to Statilius Taurus, who organized a winter blockade that brought some of the Dalmatae to capitulate. Early in 33 BC Octavian returned to receive the surrender, along with the standards of Gabinius, some booty, 700 young males and a promise to pay the arrears of tribute unpaid since Caesar’s time. Though other peoples of Illyria were involved in the surrender it was the victory over the Dalmatae that justified 1 of the 3 triumphs celebrated by Octavian on August 13, 29 BC. In 12 BC the Dalmatae revolted, capturing Salona but it was soon retaken by the Romans.

The Dalmatae joined the Illyrian alliance in AD 6 in one last revolt against the Romans. The rising began among the Daesitiates of central Bosnia under their leader Bato I but was soon joined by numerous other Illyrians. The war, which lasted from AD 6 to 9, saw large Roman forces in the area, with armies operating across the western Balkans. It took the Romans 3 years of hard fighting to quell the revolt, which was described by the Roman historian Suetonius as the most difficult conflict faced by Rome since the Punic Wars. By this time, the name of the Dalmatae had begun to be applied to area between the Adriatic and the Sava valley, as the Roman province Dalmatia was established.

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November 24, 1863
Battle of Lookout Mountain

Confederate victory at the Battle of Chickamauga (see posting) had allowed Gen. Braxton Bragg to besiege 40,000 Union troops in Chattanooga. The town was overlooked by Missionary Ridge to the east and Lookout Mountain to the west. From these two vantage points, Bragg had been able to impose a close blockade on the city, forcing all supplies to use a 60 mile diversion through the mountains north of the Tennessee River.

Lincoln had turned to Ulysses Grant to solve the crisis. On October 17, Grant received command of the Western armies, designated the Military Division of the Mississippi; he moved to reinforce Chattanooga and replaced William Rosecrans with Maj. Gen. George Thomas.

Thomas launched a surprise amphibious landing at Brown’s Ferry on October 27 that opened the Tennessee River by linking up his Army of the Cumberland with a relief column of 20,000 troops from the Army of the Potomac, led by Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker. Supplies and reinforcements were thus able to flow into Chattanooga over the “Cracker Line”. In response, Bragg ordered Lt. Gen. James Longstreet to force the Federals out of Lookout Valley, directly to the west of Lookout Mountain. The ensuing Battle of Wauhatchie (October 28-29) was one of the war’s few battles fought exclusively at night. The Confederates were repulsed, and the Cracker Line was secured.

Maj. Gen. William Sherman arrived with his 20,000 men in mid-November. Grant, Sherman, and Thomas planned a double envelopment of Bragg's force, with the main attack by Sherman against the northern end of Missionary Ridge, supported by Thomas in the center and by Hooker, who would capture Lookout Mountain and then move across the Chattanooga Valley to Rossville, Georgia, and cut off the Confederate retreat route to the south. Grant subsequently withdrew his support for a major attack by Hooker on Lookout Mountain, intending the mass of his attack to be by Sherman.

On November 23, Sherman was ready to cross the Tennessee River. Grant ordered Thomas to advance halfway to Missionary Ridge to determine the strength of the Confederate line, hoping to ensure that Bragg would not withdraw his forces and move in the direction of Knoxville, Tennessee, where Maj. Gen. Ambrose Burnside was being threatened by a Confederate force under Longstreet. Thomas sent 14,000 men toward a minor hill named Orchard Knob and overran the Confederate defenses.

Surprised, and realizing that his center might be more vulnerable than he had thought, Bragg quickly readjusted his strategy. He recalled all units within a day’s march that he had recently ordered to Knoxville. He began to reduce the strength on his left by withdrawing William Walker’s division from the base of Lookout Mountain and placing them on the far right of Missionary Ridge. He assigned William Hardee to command his now critical right flank, turning over the left flank to Carter Stevenson. Stevenson needed to fill the gap left by Walker’s division from the mountain to Chattanooga Creek, so he sent 2 brigades into that position. He deployed Walthall’s brigade of 1,500 Mississippians as pickets near the base of the mountain, withholding enough for a reserve for Moore’s brigade, which would defend the main line on the bench near the Cravens house.

The Federals also changed plans. Sherman had 3 divisions ready to cross the Tennessee, but the pontoon bridge at Brown’s Ferry had torn apart and Peter Osterhaus’ division was stranded in Lookout Valley. After receiving assurances from Sherman that he could proceed with 3 divisions, Grant decided to revive the previously rejected plan for an attack on Lookout Mountain and reassigned Osterhaus to Hooker’s command.

The northern slopes of Lookout Mountain rise 1400 feet from the Tennessee River to the summit. The western slope is rugged and tree-lined until close to the top, where the last 30 feet or so rise almost vertically to the summit plateau. The railroad west from Chattanooga runs along the river at the base of the northern face of the mountain, crossing Lookout Creek close to the Tennessee River. The key to the Confederate position was not really the summit, but the northern slope, round where the Chattanooga Creek entered the Tennessee. It was this that Hooker would need to clear if he was to make contact with the rest of the Federal army in Chattanooga. The northern slope is sometimes described as “sheer”. A quick look at any photographs will show that this is not the case. The lower slopes near the Tennessee River are indeed very steep, but only for around 1/5 of a mile. The rest of the lower slopes are relatively gentle, until the last few hundred feet rise sharply towards the cliffs that protect the summit. At the base of the northern tip of the upper slope was Cravens House, built in 1855 by Robert Cravens, a local industrialist.

Hooker certainly had enough men. His three divisions came to around 10,000 men. To oppose him, Bragg could only spare around 3,000 men. The 1000 on the western slopes were supported by artillery batteries on the top of the mountain. Their main defenses had been built at the northwest base of the mountain where they could control the road and railroad west. Another set of Confederate defenses ran east from just below the summit towards Chattanooga Creek, with guns facing north towards the Tennessee River to stop river traffic.

Hooker decided to bypass the western defenses. His plan was greatly aided by a local weather phenomenon. Some days a layer of fog forms about half way down the mountain. The top half of the mountain remains entirely clear, but anything below that is hidden. This is what happened on the morning of November 24, giving the battle the alternative name of the “Battle above the Clouds”.

Hooker sent Geary’s division on a march up Lookout Valley to Wauhatchie, where the creek could be forded. At the same time his other divisions moved against a bridge close to where the railroad crossed the creek. For some time Geary’s division was hidden from the view of the Confederate defenders by the fog. They were able to overwhelm the small picket at the ford, and crossed over at about 8.00 AM. Once they were on the slope they were soon spotted. The Confederates formed a new line down the slope of the mountain, from the base of the palisades at the summit down to their defenses in the valley. Geary’s men did the same, and advanced. While one brigade attacked the road bridge, another was building a pontoon bridge about half a mile further up the creek. At around 11.00 AM Geary's men reached this pontoon bridge, and the rest of Hooker’s command was safe to cross over.

The heaviest fighting of the day now began. Between noon and 2.00 PM the heavily outnumbered Confederates fell back slowly across the northern slopes of the mountain, until they reached Cravens House. Here they received reinforcements and were able to hold a line. At the same time, Hooker reported that he was short of ammunition and that his men were close to exhaustion (having climbed most of a 2000 foot mountain while fighting a battle). However, his men had achieved their main aim. At the base of the mountain Hooker’s men were now in contact with troops from Chattanooga near the mouth of Chattanooga Creek.

There was no more significant fighting on Lookout Mountain. Overnight the armies camped around Chattanooga had been able to see the two lines of campfires facing each other up the slopes of the mountain, but Bragg now decided that he needed all of his men on Missionary Ridge, and so the troops on Lookout Mountain were withdrawn overnight.

The next morning a squad from the 8th Kentucky Infantry scaled the palisades, found the Confederates gone, and raised the Stars and Stripes at the summit, surely not an encouraging sight for Bragg’s men on Missionary Ridge, about to face Grant's main attack. Both sides suffered similar casualties on Lookout Mountain. Federal losses were 81 killed out of 629 total casualties. About half of the Confederate troops on the western slopes of the mountain were killed or captured.

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November 25, 1863
Battle of Missionary Ridge

Grant decided that the center of Bragg’s position on Missionary Ridge was too strong to be assaulted. Instead he planned to attack both flanks at the same time, forcing him to weaken the center. Only then would an attack be launched up the front of Missionary Ridge. These flank attacks were to be launched by Sherman and Hooker.

Sherman began to arrive on November 20; he crossed over to the northern bank of the Tennessee River, and set up a hidden camp behind the hills north of Chattanooga. This faced Bragg with the possibility that Sherman’s men were marching north to the relief of Knoxville. Instead, they were preparing to cross the Tennessee to the north of Bragg’s line on Missionary Ridge and attack along the line of the ridge. These two attacks would force Bragg to reinforce his flanks, at which point Grant’s final force, Thomas’ Army of the Cumberland, would be ordered to attack Missionary Ridge.

The preparations went well. Confederate defenses at Orchard Knob were overrun on the 23rd, moving the Federal front line about a mile closer to Missionary Ridge, and gave Grant a better position from which to observe the battle. The following day saw Hooker’s men make contact with the rest of the army (Battle of Lookout Mountain). They were now in place for their march across the Chattanooga valley.

That just left Sherman. He first had to get a force across the Tennessee, then build a pontoon bridge to allow his cavalry and artillery to cross, and then attack Bragg’s right flank. To get the troops across and the bridge built, Sherman had 116 pontoon boats, each capable of ferrying 30 men before becoming part of the pontoon bridge. These boats were concealed in the North Chickamauga river, which flows into the Tennessee river from the north, a little upstream of Missionary Ridge. Sherman began to move at 2.00 AM on November 24. The first wave of boats surprised the Confederate pickets on the south bank, and by daylight 2 complete divisions (8000 men) had been ferried across. Between daylight and noon the pontoon bridge was completed and the rest of his force crossed over. Finally, at 1.00 PM Sherman ordered the advance. His aim was to assault the northern end of Missionary Ridge in preparation for the main assault on the following day. For some time it appeared that his force had achieved an almost bloodless victory. The same fog that restricted the view on Lookout Mountain also prevented Bragg from seeing what was happening beyond his right flank.

Unfortunately, Sherman’s maps were not accurate. They showed Missionary Ridge as being continuous, but in fact the ridge ends in a series of hills. The most northerly of these stands higher than the nearby ridge, and with a 200 foot drop between itself and the main ridge. It was this hill that Sherman's men captured at around 3.30 PM. Now finally Bragg realized what had happened, and made 2 unsuccessful attempts to drive Sherman off. Sherman was now in place to launch his part of the following day’s attack.

The events of November 25 did not follow Grant’s plan. As the Confederates had evacuated their positions in the Chattanooga Valley they had blocked the roads and destroyed the main bridge over Chattanooga Creek. Even though Hooker left his positions on Lookout Mountain early in the morning, he had to rebuild the bridge and it took him 4 hours to cross the creek. His army didn’t reach Missionary Ridge until very late in the day.

Meanwhile, Sherman had launched his attack on time. From his position on Orchard Knob Grant could see Confederate reinforcements being sent along the ridge to reinforce their right flank. Sherman’s attack straddled the ridge - one column attacked along the summit of the ridge, another along the eastern base and a third along the western base. The attack on the eastern flank made the most progress, threatening Bragg’s railroad supply line, but otherwise the attack made little progress. It was being opposed by Maj. Gen. Patrick Cleburne’s division, probably the strongest in Bragg's line, and the last to leave the line at the end of the battle. By mid-afternoon, it was clear that Grant's plan was not working as expected. Hooker had still not appeared at the southern end of Missionary Ridge. Sherman’s attack had stalled, and he was in imminent danger of being pushed back.

Grant's response was to order a general attack by Thomas, who had spend the day waiting for just that order. Grant’s order was for an attack on the first line of Confederate rifle pits at the base of Missionary Ridge (although Sheridan at least was not clear as to which line of rifle pits being referred to, and sent a messenger to ask for clarification). Wood’s and Sheridan’s divisions, the veterans of Orchard Knob, were to play a key part in the assault, with 2 more divisions protecting their flanks. The order was sent at 3.30 and the attack was launched soon afterwards.

What happened next has become known as the “Miracle of Missionary Ridge”. The Federal divisions swept up to the first line of Confederate trenches, sending their defenders fleeing up the hill. Without waiting for orders, regiment by regiment the soldiers of Thomas’ army began to advance up the ridge. Their officers were briefly left behind, but quickly caught up and began to organize the attack. Back on Orchard Knob, an angry Grant wanted to find out who had ordered the attack, and received the reply that the men appeared to have ordered themselves. Now the attack had begun, Wood and Sheridan were ordered to continue if they felt they could capture the ridge.

After an hour of very heavy fighting, Federal troops reached the top of Missionary Ridge in at least 6 places, one of them very close to Bragg’s own headquarters. Once on top of the ridge, they were able to seize Confederate guns and used them to fire along the line. All along the Confederate line Bragg’s men panicked and fled. Only Cleburne’s division did not join in the collapse, retreating in good order once it was clear that they would otherwise be cut off.

Between them, Sheridan and Wood lost 2337 killed and wounded in the hour it took to capture Missionary Ridge. This represents close to half of the total Union losses in the battle, and was more men than Sherman lost in two full days of fighting (1697 killed and wounded). Total Union losses were 752 killed, 4713 wounded and 350 captured or missing out of a total of 60,000 men. Confederate casualties were reported at 361 killed, 2180 wounded and 4146 missing or captured from around 40,000 men (although Grant himself reported taking 6000 prisoners).

Why the assault succeeded has been the subject of endless debate. Bragg himself suggested that his men’s morale had suffered as a result of their superb viewpoint. From the top of Missionary Ridge they had been able to see a vast Federal host preparing to attack, and that sight had unnerved them. A more credible suggestion is that Grant’s plan had not entirely failed. Sherman’s attack had forced Bragg to move large numbers of men north to protect his right flank. This left the positions on the top of the ridge critically weakened when the final assault began. Although Bragg ordered troops back from his right, they couldn't reinforce the entire line in time to prevent some Union forces reaching the summit.

Just enough of Bragg’s army remained intact to protect the retreat of the rest. Cleburne’s division finally halted the pursuit at Ringgold, Georgia on November 27. Grant turned back and sent men to the relief of Knoxville, where Longstreet’s siege was about to end in failure.

The Battle of Missionary Ridge secured Union control of Chattanooga. With that came control of east Tennessee. One of the few rail links between Virginia and the rest of the Confederacy had run through this area. Finally, from Chattanooga, the Union army could march into Georgia and threaten the heart of the Confederacy. Coming at the end of a year that had seen the fall of Vicksburg and defeat at Gettysburg, the Confederate failure at Chattanooga handed the initiative for 1864 to the Union.

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161
Verus’ Parthian War

In AD 161, after a long and largely peaceful reign, Antoninus Pius died, leaving the 40 year old Marcus Aurelius to take his place. The Senate clearly favored the mature Marcus over his 31 year old joint heir Lucius Verus, who had an almost Neronian reputation for personal indulgence, and attempted to name Marcus as sole emperor. Marcus Aurelius however insisted on following the will of Antoninus by having his adopted brother Lucius Verus secured as co-emperor.

Vologases IV, King of Parthia, may have viewed the establishment of a Roman diarchy as a sign of weakness. Compounding this issue may have been the fact that neither of the emperors had any military experience. Whatever the case may have been, Vologases seized on a perceived moment of Roman weakness, entered the Kingdom of Armenia (a Roman client state), expelled its king and installed his own - Pacorus, an Arsacid like himself.

The governor of Cappadocia, the front-line in all Armenian conflicts, was Marcus Sedatius Severianus, a Gaul with much experience. But living in the east had a deleterious effect on his character. He led a legion into Armenia, but was trapped by the Parthian general Chosrhoes at Elegia, a town just beyond the frontier. Severianus made some attempt to fight, but soon realized the futility and committed suicide. His legion was massacred. The governor of Syria Attidius Cornelianus suffered defeats as well, pressuring the Romans for definitive personal involvement from the imperial family. Reinforcements were dispatched for the Parthian frontier. Three legions from the west and detachments from the Danube. Attidius Cornelianus was replaced by M. Annius Libo, Marcus Aurelius’ first cousin. He was young - his first consulship was in 161, so he was probably in his early 30s - and, as a mere patrician, lacked military experience. Marcus had chosen a reliable man rather than a talented one.

Over the winter of 161–62, as more bad news arrived, it was decided that Lucius should direct the Parthian war in person. He was stronger and healthier than Marcus, the argument went, more suited to military activity. The Senate gave its assent. Several talented men were sent along as well, including Furius Victorinus, one of the 2 praetorian prefects. Nevertheless, Verus was more inclined to enjoy himself on the trip than to prepare for war. He was accompanied by musicians and singers as if in a royal progress. It is not known how long the journey took; he might not have arrived in Antioch until after 162. Even after he had come to Syria, he lingered amid the debaucheries of Antioch and Daphne and busied himself with gladiatorial bouts and hunting. Aurelius was fully aware of his colleague’s inadequacies and Verus’ presence was more a statement indicating the importance of the campaign than an indication of military command.

Fortunately, his legates were focused on the task at hand. Marcus Statius Priscus, Avidius Cassius and Martius Verus were entrusted with command while Marcus Aurelius conducted affairs of the state back in Rome. They conducted an invasion of Armenia in 163 that captured the capital at Artaxata. A new king was installed: a Roman senator of consular rank and Arsacid descent, C. Iulius Sohaemus. He may not even have been crowned in Armenia; the ceremony may have taken place in Antioch.

While Priscus was occupied in Armenia, the Parthians intervened in Osroene, a Roman client in upper Mesopotamia, just east of Syria, with its capital at Edessa. They deposed the leader, Mannus, and replaced him with their own nominee, who would remain in office until 165. In response, Roman forces were moved downstream, to cross the Euphrates at a more southerly point. Before the end of the year, Roman forces had moved north to occupy Dausara and Nicephorium. Soon after, other Roman forces moved on Osroene from Armenia. There was little movement in 164; most of the year was spent on preparations for a renewed assault on Parthian territory.

In 165, Roman forces, perhaps led by Martius Verus, moved on Mesopotamia. Edessa was re-occupied, Mannus re-installed. The Parthians retreated to Nisibis, but this too was besieged and captured. The Parthian army dispersed in the Tigris; their general Chosrhoes swam down the river and made his hideout in a cave. A second force, under Avidius Cassius, moved down the Euphrates, and fought a major battle at Dura-Europos. By the end of the year, Cassius’ army had reached the twin metropolises of Mesopotamia: Seleucia on the right bank of the Tigris and Ctesiphon on the left. Ctesiphon, the Parthian capital, was taken and its royal palaces burned. The army, although suffering from a shortage of supplies and the effects of plague, contracted in Seleucia, made it back to Roman territory safely and news of the victory was sent to Rome. Lucius Verus received the honorific Parthicus Maximus.

Cassius returned to the field in 166, crossing over the Tigris into Media. Lucius Verus now took the title Medicus. The war now wound down. A Roman candidate once again sat the Armenian throne and Parthia had been thoroughly defeated.

The success was due entirely to the subordinate generals, but Verus returned to Rome to celebrate a triumph. However, with his army came a terrible plague (presumably smallpox thanks in large part to the descriptions of the ancient physician Galen) which spread throughout the empire. Of its potentially 5 million victims over the course of the next 15 years, its most notorious victim in the early stages was likely Lucius Verus himself. After both he and Aurelius had personally marched north to investigate Germanic incursions along the Danube, they found the plague was spreading rapidly among the legions. Returning to Italy in 169, Verus fell ill and died at the age of 38, leaving Rome once again with a single emperor.

[Ennath]

November 26, 2008
Mumbai Terror Attack

In the months leading up to the 2008 terrorist attack that devastated Mumbai, the signs of catastrophe were unmistakable. That June, a 32-year-old police officer named Vishwas Nangre Patil became Deputy Commissioner of Police (DPC) for Zone 1 - the city’s heart -and immediately heard that warnings of planned attacks on Mumbai’s major landmarks, including high-end hotels, had been passed to Indian intelligence and law enforcement. The CIA was a primary supplier of these tip-offs: the US seemingly had a source inside Lashkar-e-Taiba, the Pakistani jihadist militia responsible for sending militants into divided Kashmir. According to the latest intelligence, the attackers would, unprecedentedly, arrive by sea.

Yet when Vishwas Patil, desperate to shake the city out of its inertia, asked how security could be beefed-up, he was told that funding was lacking. He also wrote to the Commandant Coast Guards, identifying obvious vulnerabilities. Nevertheless, a few months later, 10 Lashkar fighters sailed across the Arabian Sea from Karachi to Mumbai where, on the evening of Wednesday November 26, they strolled ashore armed with AK-47s, pistols, ammo, grenades, and explosives.

The Leopold Cafe, a popular restaurant and bar in South Mumbai, was one of the first sites to be attacked. 2 attackers opened fire in the evening, killing at least 10 people, (including foreigners), and injuring many more.

The Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus (CST), the city’s historic railway station, was attacked by 2 more men, who entered the passenger hall and opened fire, killing 58 people and injuring 104 others. Security forces and emergency services arrived shortly afterwards. Announcements by a railway announcer alerted passengers to leave the station and saved scores of lives. The two gunmen fled and fired at pedestrians and police officers in the streets, killing 8 officers. The attackers passed a police station. Knowing that they were outgunned, the police officers decided to switch off the lights and secure the gates. The attackers then headed towards Cama Hospital, but the staff locked all of the patient wards. A team of the Mumbai Anti-Terrorist Squad searched the Terminus and then left in pursuit. Eventually, the terrorists ran into a police roadblock; a gun battle ensued in which one was killed and the other wounded and captured. Several police were killed.

Nariman House, a Chabad Lubavitch Jewish center known as the Mumbai Chabad House, was taken over by 2 attackers and several residents held hostage. Police evacuated adjacent buildings and exchanged fire with the attackers, wounding one. National Security Guards (NSG) commandos arrived from Delhi, and a naval helicopter took an aerial survey. During the first day, 9 hostages were rescued from the first floor. The following day, the house was stormed by NSG commandos rappelling onto the roof, covered by snipers in nearby buildings. After a long battle, one commando and both terrorists were killed. The Rabbi and his wife, who was 6 months pregnant, were murdered with 4 other hostages. According to radio transmissions picked up by Indian intelligence, the attackers “would be told by their handlers in Pakistan that the lives of Jews were worth 50 times those of non-Jews.” Injuries on some of the bodies indicated that they had been tortured.

Two hotels, The Taj Mahal Palace Hotel and the Oberoi Trident, were also targeted. 6 explosions were reported at the Taj hotel and 1 at the Oberoi Trident. At the Taj, firefighters rescued 200 hostages from windows using ladders during the first night. CNN initially reported on the morning of November 27 that the hostage situation at the Taj had been resolved and quoted the police chief of Maharashtra stating that all hostages were freed; however, it was learned later that day that there were still 2 attackers holding hostages, including foreigners.

During the attacks, both hotels were surrounded by Rapid Action Force personnel and Marine Commandos (MARCOS) and NSG commandos. When reports emerged that attackers were receiving television broadcasts, feeds to the hotels were blocked. Security forces stormed both hotels, and all the attackers were killed by the morning of November 29. Major Sandeep Unnikrishnan of the NSG was killed during the rescue. 32 hostages were killed at the Oberoi Trident. In addition, police seized a boat filled with arms and explosives anchored at Mazgaon dock off Mumbai harbor. But multiple factors prolonged the siege of The Taj, including the labyrinthine and architecturally quirky vastness of the building, whose myriad extensions and renovations over the years weren’t all added to the architectural blueprints, and even the avid reporting of the world’s media, whose blow-by-blow coverage helped the Lashkar controllers in Karachi, in touch with their operatives by phone, to issue directions for maximum carnage.

At least 166 victims (civilians and security personnel) and 9 attackers were killed in the attacks. More than 300 were wounded. Among the dead were 28 foreign nationals from 10 countries. One attacker was captured. The bodies of many of the dead hostages showed signs of torture or disfigurement.

Indians criticized their political leaders after the attacks, saying that their ineptness was partly responsible. The Times of India commented on its front page that “Our politicians fiddle as innocents die.” Political reactions in Mumbai and India included a range of resignations and political changes, including the resignations of Minister for Home Affairs Shivraj Patil. The business establishment also reacted, with changes to transport, and requests for an increase in self-defense capabilities. The NSG commandos based in a central location in Delhi also met criticism for taking 10 hours to reach the 3 sites under attack. In the aftermath of the attacks, the units were parceled out more evenly around exposed areas.

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November 27, 1382
Battle of Roosebeke

The marriage of Philip the Bold of Burgundy to Margaret, daughter of the Count of Flanders, brought with it disastrous effects for the largely autonomous cities of Flanders, particularly fiercely independent Ghent. Over the years the artisans of the Flemish towns had become only nominally subject to the Count. However, through a series of measures aimed at centralizing power and culminating in a 1379 decision by Count Louis allowing Bruges access to the Lys River, Ghent’s position of dominance in the north was challenged to the point of war. Louis had succeeded in isolating Ghent, not just militarily, but also by offering favorable deals to rival towns. For 6 years Ghent maintained open hostility to Louis. Yet, as the largest of the 3 main cities of Flanders, and under the leadership of Philip van Artevelde it retained its lead over rivals Bruges and Ypres.

In May 1380, Louis regained control of Bruges. gaining Ypres in August. Although the tide seemed to have turned against Ghent, the town survived 2 sieges in autumn 1380 and summer 1381. In the winter of 1381-82, Louis organized a wider blockade of Ghent, which led to a peace conference at Tournai in April 1382. This failed, and in May, Ghent was again in the ascendancy, retaking Bruges in a surprise attack. It was at this point that Louis turned to France for help, and in particular his son-in-law Philip of Burgundy, who was to receive Flanders as his wife’s dowry on her father’s death. A French army was assembled at Arras.

Winter was closing in, with the attendant risks of disease and desertion. There were 2 plans open to the French. The quickest and most practicable was to take the shortest route toward central Flanders (entailing a forced passage of the Lys between Menin and Armentieres). The other alternative was to enter western Flanders from St. Omer and march northeast along the borders to relieve the recently besieged town of Oudenaarde. Given the time constraints, this option was not really viable, despite the vital position of Oudenaarde. In the end, the first option was chosen. Despite stiff opposition, the Lys was forced at Comines, using the partly destroyed bridge and a motley collection of small boats to ferry the army across. Ypres surrendered by November 21 and the whole of western Flanders was overrun. Bruges, a reluctant supporter of Ghent, and already wavering, was in danger of falling. Philip van Artevelde had only one option - open battle.

On the night of November 26, the 2 armies faced each other across the Roosebeke plain, some 2 miles apart, with a raised area, the “Golden Mount”, between them. The Flemish army was initially camped in a strong position with a ditch to the front and woods to the rear.

Although a quarter of the Flemish army comprised troops from Ghent, units had come from all over Flanders. The size of the army is debated, but most contemporary sources put it at almost 40,000; most of these were pikemen. The French were probably a quarter of this size and included some 1500 troops supplied by Philip the Bold. Many of the most important nobles of France were included, including King Charles VI himself, the Duke of Berry and the Duke of Bourbon. About 20% of the army was cavalry.

The Flemish were arranged in close order around a pike block. The French deployed with 2 wings of cavalry, with 2 lines of infantry in the center. The foot was stiffened with dismounted knights. King Charles commanded the center Philip and Bourbon commanded the wings.

November 27 opened shrouded in fog, which, according to one source, disappeared on the unfurling of the oriflamme. This was the king’s banner, originally the sacred banner of the Abbey of St. Denis. Once raised, no prisoners were to be taken until it was lowered. According to Froissart, the Flemish were impatient to attack, leaving their strong position. In small units at first, they formed a large phalanx, skirted around the woods to their rear and advanced over the “Golden Mount” The advance was preceded by fire from bombards.

Attacking en masse, they engaged the French center in a “push of pike”, forcing the French back some distance. However, the push opened the Flemish flanks to attack by the French cavalry. This turned the tide, inflicting dreadful carnage, killing perhaps half the Flemish army, including Philip van Artevelde, who was crushed to death. The battle had lasted little more than 2 hours. French losses were quoted as being around 50 men; this is not really credible, but it is certain that French losses were much lighter than those of the Flemish.

Further action was halted by the onset of winter. Desertion, already a major problem with field armies at this time, increased significantly during the winter.

The battle did not finish Ghent once and for all. What it did achieve, however, was the subjection of the rest of Flanders under Count Louis. Bruges surrendered on November 30, with a ransom of 120,000 francs, the siege of Oudenaarde was raised and, as a parting gift to Flanders, Charles VI had Courtrai burnt to the ground, in revenge for the French defeat there 80 years earlier (see posting, Battle of the Golden Spurs). Ghent was never able to raise the support of other Flemish cities again, but she still remained independent. It was clear though that in the future, she would stand alone.

From Philip the Bold’s point of view, he had subjugated Flanders before he inherited it. The future for Flanders would be only as an area within the greater state of Burgundy, then being created by Philip himself.

[Ennath]

November 28, 1920
Kilmichael Ambush

In July 1920, the British security forces in Ireland raised a new unit, the Auxiliary Division of the Royal Irish Constabulary. The “Auxies” were recruited from former commissioned officers in the British Army and were promoted as a elite force by the British media. In common with most of their colleagues, the Auxiliaries engaged at Kilmichael were World War I veterans.

The Auxiliaries and the previously introduced Black and Tans rapidly became highly unpopular in Ireland due to intimidation of the civilian population and arbitrary reprisals after IRA actions - including burnings of businesses and homes, beatings and killings. A week before the Kilmichael ambush, after IRA assassinations of British intelligence operatives in Dublin on Bloody Sunday, Auxiliaries fired on players and spectators at a gaelic football match, killing 14 civilians.

The Auxiliaries in County Cork were based in the town of Macroom, and in November 1920 they carried out a number of raids on villages in the surrounding area to intimidate the local population away from supporting the IRA. Tom Barry, the local IRA commander, noted that the IRA hardly fired a shot at the Auxiliaries, which “had a very serious effect on the morale of the whole people as well as on the IRA”. Barry's assessment was that the West Cork IRA needed a successful action against the Auxiliaries in order to be effective.

On November 21, Barry assembled a flying column of 36 riflemen at Clogher. The column had 35 rounds for each rifle as well as a handful of revolvers and two hand grenades. Barry scouted possible ambush sites on horseback and selected one on the Macroom–Dunmanway road, on the section between Kilmichael and Gleann, which the Auxiliaries from Macroom used every day. The flying column marched there on foot and reached the site on the night of November 27. The volunteers took up positions in the low rocky hills on either side of the road. Unlike most IRA ambush positions, there was no obvious escape route for the guerrillas should the fighting go against them.

As dusk fell between 4:05 and 4:20 pm on November 28, the ambush took place. Just before the Auxiliaries in 2 trucks came into view, 2 IRA volunteers, responding late to Barry’s mobilization order, drove unwittingly into the ambush position in a horse and side-car, almost shielding the British behind them. Barry managed to avert disaster by directing the car up a side road and out of the way. The Auxiliaries’ first truck was slowed down by the sight of Barry placing himself on the road in front of a concealed Command Post (with 3 riflemen), wearing an IRA officer's tunic. The British later claimed Barry was wearing a British uniform. This confusion ensured that both trucks halted beside 2 IRA ambush positions on the north side of the road, where Sections 1 and 2 (10 men each) lay concealed. On the south side of the road was half of Section 3 (six men), whose instructions were to prevent the enemy taking up positions on that side. The other half (6 men) was positioned some way off as an insurance group, should a third truck appear. The British later alleged that over 100 IRA fighters were present wearing British uniforms and steel trench helmets. Barry, however, insisted that, excepting himself, the ambush party were in civilian attire, though they used captured British weapons and equipment.

The first truck, carrying 9 Auxiliaries, slowed almost to a halt close to their intended ambush position, at which point Barry gave the order to fire. He threw a grenade that exploded in the open cab. A savage close-quarter fight ensued. According to Barry's account, some of the British were killed using rifle butts and bayonets. This part of the engagement was over relatively quickly with all 9 Auxiliaries dead or dying. The British later claimed that the dead had been mutilated with axes, although Barry dismissed this as atrocity propaganda.

While this was going on, a second truck, also with 9 Auxiliaries had driven into the ambush position near Section 2. This truck’s occupants, at a more advantageous position than the first because further away from the ambushing group, dismounted to the road and exchanged fire. Barry then brought the Command Post soldiers who had completed the first attack to bear. He claimed these Auxiliaries called out a surrender and that some dropped their rifles, but opened fire again with revolvers when 3 IRA men emerged from cover, killing one instantly. Barry then said he ordered, “Rapid fire and do not stop until I tell you!” Barry stated that he ignored a subsequent attempt by remaining Auxiliaries to surrender, and kept his men firing at a range of 10 yards or less until he believed all the Auxiliaries were dead. IRA veterans reported variously that wounded Auxiliaries, finished off after the firefight, were killed with close range shots, blows from rifle butts and bayonet thrusts, details Barry did not include in his account. Some Auxiliaries were disarmed and then killed.

Among the 17 British dead (and 1 severely wounded) was Colonel Crake, commander of the Auxiliaries in Macroom, probably killed at the start of the action by Barry’s grenade. 3 IRA volunteers were killed.

Many volunteers were deeply shaken by the severity of the action, referred to by Barry as “the bloodiest in Ireland”, and some were physically sick. Barry attempted to restore discipline by making them form up and perform drill, before marching away. Barry himself collapsed with severe chest pains on December 3 and was secretly hospitalized in Cork City. It is possible that the ongoing stress of being on the run and commander of the flying column, along with a poor diet as well as the intense combat at Kilmichael contributed to his illness, diagnosed as heart displacement.

The political fallout from the Kilmichael ambush outweighed its military significance. While the British forces in Ireland, over 30,000 strong, could easily absorb 18 casualties, the fact that the IRA had been able to wipe out a whole patrol of elite Auxiliaries was deeply shocking. The British forces in the West Cork area took their revenge on the local population by burning several houses, shops and barns in Kilmichael, Johnstown and Inchageela, including all of the houses around the ambush site. On December 3, three IRA volunteers were arrested by the Essex Regiment in Bandon, beaten and killed, and their bodies dumped on the roadside.

For the British government, the action at Kilmichael was an indication that the violence in Ireland was escalating. Shortly after the ambush (and also in reaction to the events of Bloody Sunday), barriers were placed on either end of Downing Street to protect the Prime Minister’s office from IRA attacks. On December 10, martial law was declared for the counties of Cork, Kerry, Limerick and Tipperary.

The British military now had the power to execute anyone found carrying arms and ammunition, to search houses, impose curfews, try suspects in military rather than civilian courts and to intern suspects without trial. On December 11, in reprisal for Kilmichael and other IRA actions, the center of Cork city was burned by Auxiliaries, British soldiers and Black and Tans. In separate proclamations shortly afterwards, the authorities sanctioned “official reprisals” against suspected Sinn Fein sympathizers, and the use of hostages in military convoys to deter ambushes.

[Ennath]

November 29, 1872
Modoc War

The Modoc War was the only major Indian War fought in California, and the only one in which a general of the regular Army was killed (George Custer was not a general at Little Big Horn). Taking into consideration the number of people involved, this was one of the most costly wars in our history. There were no more than 60 Modoc fighters, and the maximum number of United States troops present at any one time was 600. At the end of the war, the fatalities included 53 United States soldiers, 17 civilians, and 15 Modoc warriors.

The sagebrush-covered lava plateaus and wooded mountains of northern California and southern Oregon had long been the homeland of the Modoc people. Their settlements were scattered along the shores of Tule Lake and the Lost River, where they lived on fish and waterfowl, wild game, and seeds and bulbs from the surrounding countryside. As whites began to settle near the Lost River, they demanded that the Modoc be removed and placed on the Klamath Reservation with the Klamath and Yahooskin tribes. The Modoc and the Klamath were historic enemies; the Modoc' relationship with the Yahooskin was not much better. For the young Modoc leader Kintpuash, known to the settlers as “Captain Jack”, the Klamath Reservation would never be home.

Kintpuash and other Modoc left the Klamath Reservation, demanding their own reservation on the Lost River. However, Modoc presence unnerved the white emigrants, who insisted that the Indians again be removed. Oregon Indian Superintendent, Alfred Meacham, convinced Kintpuash to move back to the reservation at the end of 1869. However, upon their arrival, the Modoc were harassed by the Klamath, and in April 1870, Kintpuash and 371 Modoc moved south once again to their Lost River home.

The Modoc War began on November 29, 1872 when Bureau of Indian Affairs Major John Green sent troops from Fort Klamath to move the Modoc, “by force if necessary”, back to the reservation. However, many more Modoc were encountered than the Army had expected and fighting broke out. The Modoc fled when the troops burned their village. One group, under the leadership of a warrior called Hooker Jim, proceeded east around Tule Lake, killing 14 male settlers in retaliation for the attack by the troops. Kintpuash and the rest of the Modoc from the Lost River headed across Tule Lake by boat and entered the Lava Beds. They were later joined by Hooker Jim’s band. Kintpuash reluctantly accepted them, though he feared that he placed the other Modoc lives in danger by allowing those who had murdered the settlers to stay. Another band, the Hot Creeks, eventually joined after they had been tricked by settlers into thinking that they were all going to be hanged for being Modoc.

Along the shores of Tule Lake, ancient lava flows had formed a rugged, uneven terrain which became known as Captain Jack’s Stronghold. The area was cut with deep ravines and dotted with small habitable caves, creating a natural fortification and a seemingly endless variety of places through which one could move unnoticed. Over 300 troops and volunteers were organized to drive the approximately 50 Modoc warriors and their women and children from the Stronghold, capture them, and return them to the Klamath Reservation.

On the foggy morning of January 17, 1873, the troops headed over what they believed was flat land, confident of a Modoc surrender. The Modoc inflicted heavy losses from the cover of their natural stronghold. Confused by the fog and exhausted by the bitter cold and rough terrain, the troops retreated, leaving weapons, ammunition, and wounded.

Many meetings took place between Army leaders and Captain Jack. Each found Kintpuash still requesting a reservation on the Lost River. To avert further fighting, President Grant organized a Peace Commission to meet unarmed with the Modoc leaders. Captain Jack was willing to negotiate, but Hooker Jim, indicted for murder, had little to gain from a peaceful settlement. He and a shaman, known as Curly-Headed Doctor, convinced Captain Jack in a plot to kill the commissioners. Arrangements were made that 5 unarmed Modoc would meet with the commissioners on April 11. Frank Riddle and his Modoc wife, Toby, serving as interpreters, warned the US agents that they would be ambushed, but the men did not heed her warning.

The night before the meeting, Modoc warriors Barncho and Slolux hid among the rocks near the peace tent. Civil War hero Gen. Edward Canby, Reverend Thomas, Commission Head Alfred Meacham, and Indian Agent Leroy Dyar left for the meeting in the morning as planned. Upon reaching the peace tent, the commissioners found not 5 but 8 Modoc, 2 of them obviously armed. Captain Jack was among the 8 and again requested a Lost River reservation. When this could not be granted, Kintpuash drew a revolver and killed Canby. Another Modoc killed Reverend Thomas. Meacham was wounded, but Dyar and both the Riddles escaped unharmed.

4 days after the attack on the Peace Commission, a second attack on the Stronghold began. The plan to surround the area was not completed, but the Modoc were cut off from their water supply. On April 17, the troops captured the Stronghold only to find it empty. Kintpuash and the other Modoc had escaped south toward the Schonchin Lava Flow. Here they obtained water for their 160 men, women, and children from the nearby ice caves.

On April 26, a patrol of 69 men left Gillems Camp in an attempt to locate the Modoc. The patrol was ambushed by 24 Modoc led by Scarfaced Charley. In 45 minutes, 2/3 of the patrol were killed or wounded. The Modoc retreated farther south.

On the morning of May 10, the Modoc were defeated in their surprise attack on troops camped at Dry Lake, leaving most of their horses and supplies in a hasty retreat. The affair was devastating for the Modoc, who began to quarrel and dissolve into small groups. Hooker Jim left with 3 men from his band and 10 of the Hot Creek band, along with their women and children. They headed west. Kintpuash and his followers left for Big Sand Butte. As troops headed west expecting to locate Captain Jack, they found Hooker Jim and his followers, who surrendered. Hooker Jim and 3 other Modoc offered to track down Captain Jack and betray him to the Army. Kintpuash finally surrendered at Willow Creek on June 1, 1873, and the Modoc War ended.

Amnesty was granted to Hooker Jim and his followers for their assistance, even though they had murdered the 14 settlers at Tule Lake. Those who had attacked the peace commissioners were placed on trial at Fort Klamath and convicted of murder. At the last moment President Grant awarded amnesty to Barncho and Slolux, who were sent to Alcatraz. 4 men, including Captain Jack were hanged on the morning of October 3, 1873. The Modoc survivors were exiled to the Quapaw Agency in Oklahoma. Many died over the next few years from unfamiliar diseases and the effects of the harsh climate.

[Ennath]

454
Battle of the Nedao

After the death of Attila the Hun, his eldest son Ellac rose to power. Supported by Attila’s chief lieutenant, Onegesius, he wanted to assert the absolute control with which Attila had ruled. However, Attila’s other 2 sons, Dengizik and Ernak, objected to the idea of their brother being sole ruler. They claimed kingship over smaller subject tribes.

When Ardaric, King of the Gepids, one of the most powerful of the Huns’ subject tribes, learned of the strife between the brothers, he took the opportunity to revolt. Other tribes followed and joined him. Jordanes claims that the Ostrogoths, the other major subject tribe, were a part of this revolt but this is rejected by some modern historians, although supported by others. Some claim that they fought for the Huns.

Whatever the makeup of Ardaric’s army, it encountered Ellac’s army in Pannonia at the Nedao River (believed to be a tributary of the Sava). Little is known of the fight, save that it was bitterly fought. In the end, the Huns and their loyal vassals were defeated and Ellac was killed. Ardaric apparently died some after.

The Hunnic Empire established by Attila began to collapse. It is hard to reconstruct the exact course of events, but by the early 460s the Empire was finally dissolved with the Gepids, Rugi, Heruli, Suebi and Ostrogoths achieving independence and eventually becoming federates of the Eastern Roman Empire. The Huns, reorganized under Dengizich, moved east where they attacked the Eastern Roman Empire and were decisively defeated in 469. Ernak apparently managed to maintain peaceful relations with the Eastern Empire; his eventual fate is unrecorded. The Huns disappeared from European history, although eastern Huns (Hephthelites, or “White Huns”) continued to be a force in Central Asia for decades.