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Old March 30th, 2017, 01:08 PM   #4491
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March 30, 1814
Battle for Paris

In early 1814, Napoleon appointed his wife Marie Louise as regent and left Paris to place himself at the head of the French army. His soldiers were young and exhausted, but they fought and died hard. From the beginning of this campaign Napoleon seemed to recover some of the dash of his early campaigns and disconcerted the Allies by the rapidity of his maneuvers. He was able to race from one Allied army to the other and confront them successively. The old but energetic Blucher was badly beaten at Champaubert, Montmirail, Chateau-Thierry and Vauchamps (see postings). The younger but slower Schwarzenberg was caught at Montereau and defeated.

The King of Prussia and Emperor of Austria had been quickly disheartened by the defeats and talked about general retreat but Tsar Alexander I was more determined than ever. He imposed his will on Schwarzenberg and the wavering monarchs. Allied armies resumed their advance. Napoleon defeated the Russians at Craonne (see posting), but his casualties were heavy. At Laon he was unable to dislodge the Prussians and Russians. The French had taken Reims, but had lost Soissons. The surrender of Soissons compromised Napoleon's strategic plan.

Since the disaster in Russia, the French populace had been increasingly war-weary. France had been at war for 25 years, and many of its men had died, making conscription increasingly unpopular. Once the Coalition forces entered France, the leaders were astonished and relieved upon seeing that, against their expectations and fears, the populace never staged an uprising against them, in the scale of the guerrilla war in Spain.

Napoleon's ex-foreign minister Charles Maurice de Talleyrand now made a play. Starting in 1808, Talleyrand began to accept bribes from hostile powers (mainly Austria, but also Russia) to betray secrets. Talleyrand was a prototype of the witty, cynical diplomat. His corruption was undeniable, and his pliability enabled him to hold power under the ancien régime, the Revolution, Napoleon, the Restoration, and the July Monarchy. He now sent a secret letter to the Allies describing how popular sentiment in Paris was running strongly against Napoleon and that the city would joyfully open its gates to the Allies as soon as they showed themselves on the horizon.

To contain Blucher’s Army of Silesia, Napoleon left Marshals Auguste Marmont and Edouard Mortier to hold the Aisne River and to fight a delaying action to cover Paris. The Allies called on the French nation to overthrow Napoleon. The Emperor immediately marched against their main army under Schwarzenberg. On March 20, the heavily outnumbered French failed to decisively defeat the Austrians in a battle at Arcis-sur-Aube (see posting). Some time after the battle Tsar Alexander rode out to meet the King of Prussia and Schwarzenberg. He came upon them on the road, dismounted, had a map spread out on the ground, and explained the course of the action he favored. The main Allied army was ordered to march on Paris while Russian general Wintzingerode with 10.000 cavalry rode toward Saint-Dizier to deceive Napoleon and detain him.

The deception campaign worked. While the main Coalition army moved on Paris, Wintzingerode hotly pursued Napoleon and his now rag-tag army to the southeast. The allied cavalry was eventually beaten, but Napoleon was astonished to learn from intercepted dispatches that it was not the advance guard of the main army, as he had imagined, but a divisionary detachment sent to keep him amused while the Russians and Prussians swooped down upon Paris. He was already too far away to the southeast of Paris and would never reach the city in time. Napoleon was impressed: “It's a beautiful chess move! ... I should never have thought a general of the coalition was capable of it.” Allied armies were nearing Paris and the roads were full of refugees.

The Austrian, Prussian and Russian armies were joined together and put under the command of Field Marshal Count Barclay de Tolly who would also be responsible for the taking of the city, but the driving force behind the army were the Tsar of Russia and the King of Prussia, moving with the army. The Coalition army totaled about 110,000 troops, some 63,000 of them Russian.. Napoleon had left his brother Joseph in defense of Paris with about 23,000 regular troops under Marmont along with an additional 6000 National Guards and a small force of the Imperial Guard under Marshals Bon Adrien Jeannot de Moncey and Edouard Mortier. The defenses of the city were in a very incomplete state. The French troops were deployed with Christiani’s infantry division at the north of Paris, Belliard’s cavalry on the plain of St-Denis, Ornano’s cavalry to the left of Belliard, Compans’ infantry holding area of Romainville, and Curial’s infantry at Les Maisonettes. These troops were supported by artillery, National Guard and civilians. King Joseph set up his command post on top of Montmartre. Mortier's Young Guard camped near their combat positions. Many thought that Napoleon was on his way to Paris.

No hostile army had reached Paris for 400 years and now English newspapers advocated the burning of the city. The Tsar was dominated by one idea, Napoleon had entered Moscow and the Tsar wished to enter Paris at the head of his Imperial Guard. He was not filled with the dreams of blood and fire which haunted the Prussians. Blucher was disposed to make a severe retaliation on Paris for the calamities that Prussia had suffered. Blowing up the Bridge of Jena was said to be one of his plans. The discipline of the troops was relaxed and looting began with Allied and French soldiers carrying off furniture to their bivouacs.

At daybreak on March 30, the fighting began and Parisians watched the battle through telescopes. The battle started with an intense artillery bombardment. The Coalition attack began when the Russians attacked and drove back the French skirmishers near Belleville before being themselves driven back by French cavalry from the eastern suburbs.

Between 6 and 7 AM, a sharp fight took place near Romainville, in the French center. The Russians dislodged the Young Guard after heavy fighting, but with the support of artillery and 11th Voltigeur Regiment of Young Guard the French counterattacked. Many troops fought in skirmish order or small battle groups defending streets, gardens and buildings.

A few hours later, Blücher’s Prussians attacked Aubervilliers, to the north, but didn't press too hard. To the southeast, the prince of Wurttemberg seized St-Maur and Charenton. Four regiments of Russian cuirassiers attempted to press the attack, but found themselves handicapped by ditches and enclosures and exposed to artillery fire. The French counterattacked and the cuirassiers withdrew. The Imperial Guard continued to hold back the Russians in the center until the Prussian forces appeared to their rear.

The Russian forces then assailed the Montmartre Heights in the northeast, where Joseph’s headquarters had been at the beginning of the battle, defended by Christiani. The Russian infantry under Gens. Langeron (a French émigré) and Rudsevich attacked this position. Control of the heights was severely contested. Mortier, Moncey and Marmont fought until King Joseph abandoned Paris desiring Marmont to conclude a convention for its surrender. Napoleon was furious and wrote: “...they must hold out until night ! Everyone has lost his head. Joseph is an ass ...” But the three marshals in Paris surrendered. Only one battalion of voltigeurs of Young Guard still held out, but these die-hards soon surrendered too. The battle had cost the Allies 18,000 casualties. The French lost some 5000 men.

Alexander sent an envoy to meet with the French to hasten the surrender. He offered generous terms and, although wishing to avenge Moscow, declared himself to be bringing peace to France rather than its destruction. On March 31, Talleyrand gave the key of the city to the Tsar. Marmont’s troops marched out toward Essones and Mortier’s to Mennecy. For the Old Guard, Marmont was traitor and deserter. Later that day the Coalition armies triumphantly entered the city with the Tsar at the head of the army followed by the King of Prussia and Prince Schwarzenberg. On April 2, the Senate declared Napoleon deposed.

Napoleon had advanced as far as Fontainebleau when he heard that Paris had surrendered. Outraged, he wanted to march on the capital, but his marshals would no longer fight for him and repeatedly urged him to surrender. He abdicated in favor of his son on April 4. The Allies rejected this out of hand, forcing Napoleon to abdicate unconditionally on April 6. The terms of his abdication, which included his exile to Elba, were settled in the Treaty of Fontainebleau on April 11. A reluctant Napoleon ratified it 2 days later.

On May 3, King Louis XVIII made a solemn entry into his capital, escorted by the Imperial Guard, to be met with a lack of enthusiasm. Marmont was made a Peer of France and Captain of the Garde-du-Corps.
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Old March 31st, 2017, 12:25 PM   #4492
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March 31, 1930
Battle of Anchem

On October 27, 1928, 32-year old Ras Tafari Makonnen was crowned King by Empress Zewditu. Since 1916, Zewditu had been Regent. As such, she exercised the real power in Ethiopia. The crowning of Tafari as King caused him to begin exercising power at the expense of Zewditu. His crowning also caused two factions to develop within the royal court. The husband of Zewditu, 53-year-old Ras Gugsa Welle, imagined a future where Zewditu remained Empress and he himself would be proclaimed Emperor. He was clearly the leader of the pro-Zewditu faction.

Within a month of Tafari being crowned King, the Raya Oromo revolted in Wollo Province. As King, and with the tacit approval of the Empress, Tafari called for the governors of several neighboring provinces to suppress the revolt. Ras Seyum Mangasha from Axum in western Tigre, Ras Gugsa Araya Selassie from Makalle in eastern Tigre, Ayalew Birru from Semien, and Ras Gugsa Welle from Begemder were called upon. Gugsa Welle and others were unhappy with the rise of Tafari. As a result, the response was less than enthusiastic; efforts to suppress the Oromo were dissipated in palace intrigue, and the revolt continued. A trusted cousin of Tafari, Ras Imru Haile Selassie, was made governor of Wollo in an effort to end the revolt.

In addition to being unhappy with the rise of Tafari, Gugsa Welle tried to rally “traditional Ethiopia” in support of his wife, the Empress. In the opinion of this faction, Tafari was too young, too modern, and it was rumored that he had even secretly converted to Roman Catholicism. Gugsa Welle wrote letters to the leaders of Tigre and Gojjam seeking support for his revolt. He wrote to Ras Seyum Mangasha and Ras Gugsa Araya Selassie of Tigre and to Ras Hailu Tekle Haymanot of Gojjam. All 3 initially appeared supportive, but, after reconsideration, none responded to the letters and all three failed to join him. On the other hand, the rebelling Oromo did agree to join forces.

Tafari Makonnen called a chitet, the traditional mustering of the provincial levies. Ostensibly he was raising an army to finally crush the ongoing revolt in Wollo. At the time, Ras Gugsa Welle was not in open revolt and Empress Zewditu was still pleading with him not to do so. In the end, as part of the government, the Empress was in the strange position of being formally on the same side as King Tafari and being against her husband who was rebelling on her behalf.

The response to the chitet, like the initial call to suppress the revolt in Wollo, was less than enthusiastic initially. The newly appointed Minister of War, Ras Mulugeta Yeggazu, was only able to raise the Mahel Sefari with 16,000 men pledged to it. Worse, by January 1930, Mulugeta Yeggazu found himself with only 2000 men as he gathered in Dessie. Worse yet, Gugsa Welle was now in open revolt and he had already gathered an army in Debre Tabor of 35,000 devoted men. He was able to do this even without the forces from Tigre and Gojjam.

On February 24, 1930, Empress Zewditu and King Tafari issued the Imperial Proclamation of Yekatit, declaring Ras Gugsa Welle a rebel. Attached to the proclamation was an anathema signed by the Coptic Bishop Kyrilos and by five new bishops. The devotion of many of the men following Ras Gugsa Welle was shaken by the proclamation and its attached anathema.

In mid-March, Ras Mulugeta marched the Mahel Sefari from Dessie to Debre Tabor to face the rebellious Gugsa Welle. With him were 5 cannon, 7 machine guns, and something entirely new for Ethiopian warfare: aircraft. On March 28, when Gugsa Welle's army crossed the border of Begemder Province moving towards Shewa Province, it was met by 3 government biplanes overhead. In 1922, Ras Tafari Makonnen had first shown interest in military aircraft and, by 1929, a small air arm was under development and was now used for the first time. The biplanes dropped numerous copies of two specially created leaflets. One bore a message from the newly arrived Bishop Kyrilos, threatening excommunication. The second was from King Tafari and Empress Zewditu and declared Gugsa Welle to be a rebel. The leaflets appealed to the known conservative and religious sympathies of the forces fighting for Gugsa Welle. Some of his army started to desert.

On March 31, both armies met at Debre Zebit on the plains of Anchem. At 9:00 AM, the biplanes once again appeared. But this time bombs and not leaflets were dropped, shaking the morale of Gugsa Welle’s troops, unused to airplanes. More rebels deserted the fight.

According to Time magazine, by the time of battle, the 2 opposing armies were a complete mismatch. Gugsa Welle and his Army of Begemder numbered approximately 10,000 men and were armed with 10 machine guns and 2 cannons. Opposing them was a better equipped army of approximately 20,000 loyal to the central government. After 4 hours, the Imperial forces gained the upper hand. With the tide turning, Ras Gugsa Welle’s shaken army started to desert him in large numbers.

Shortly after mid-day, Ras Gugsa Welle was surrounded and called upon to surrender. Mounted on a white charger, he chose to fight on, was shot several times, and killed. Shumye, the second-in-command of the Army of Begemder, fought on until he was captured later in the afternoon. What little was left of the rebel army then completely disintegrated. Gugsa Welle’s Oromo allies arrived a day later, and immediately retreated. With the death of Gugsa Welle and the destruction of his army, the rebellion was ended.

Within three days of the death of Gugsa Welle, Empress Zewditu was dead of natural causes. On November 2, Tafari Makonnen was proclaimed Emperor Haile Selassie I.
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Old April 1st, 2017, 01:31 PM   #4493
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April 1, 1968
Operation Pegasus

By January 1968, the North Vietnamese had cut off Route 9 and built up their forces around the 6000 Marines at Khe Sanh Combat Base (KSCB) to 20,000 troops, unleashing a strike a week before starting their Tet Offensive (see posting Siege of Khe Sanh). Obsessed over the fate of the firebase, President Lyndon Johnson had a table-top mockup of the Khe Sanh base set up inside the White House and told his advisers, “I don’t want any damn ‘Dinbinfoo.’”

Planning for the overland relief of Khe Sanh had begun as early as January 25, when Gen. William Westmoreland ordered Gen. John Tolson, commander, 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile), to prepare a contingency plan. Route 9, the only practical overland route from the east, was impassable due to its poor state of repair and the presence of NVA troops. Tolson was not happy with the assignment, since he believed that the best course of action was to use his division in an attack into the A Shau Valley. Westmoreland, however, was already planning ahead. Khe Sanh would be relieved and then used as the jump-off point for a “hot pursuit” of enemy forces into Laos.

On March 2, Tolson laid out what became known as Operation Pegasus, the largest operation launched by III MAF thus far in the conflict. 2nd Battalion, 1st Marine Regiment (2/1 Marines) and the 2/3 Marines would launch a ground assault from Ca Lu (10 miles east of Khe Sanh) and head west on Route 9 while the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Brigades of 1st Cavalry Division, would air-assault key terrain features along the way to establish fire support bases and cover the Marine advance. The advance would be supported by 102 pieces of artillery. The Marines would be accompanied by their 11th Engineer Battalion, which would repair the road as the advance moved forward. Later, the 1/1 Marines and 3rd ARVN Airborne Task Force (3rd, 6th and 8th Airborne Battalions) would join the operation.

Westmoreland’s planned relief effort infuriated the Marines, who had not wanted to hold Khe Sanh in the first place and who had been roundly criticized for not defending it well. The Marines had constantly argued that technically, Khe Sanh had never been under siege, since it had never truly been isolated from resupply or reinforcement. Marine Gen. Cushman was appalled by the “implication of a rescue or breaking of the siege by outside forces.”

Regardless, on 1 April, Operation Pegasus began. Opposition from the North Vietnamese was light and the primary problem that hampered the advance was continual heavy morning cloud cover that slowed the pace of helicopter operations. But around 1300 hours the sun had burned off the fog and it was clear enough for the choppers to fly. As the relief force made progress, the Marines at Khe Sanh moved out from their positions and began patrolling at greater distances from the base.

7th Cavalry made the first air assaults to Landing Zone (LZ) Mike and LZ Cates about halfway to Khe Sanh. The initial reconnaissance by the 1/9 Cavalry and the artillery and air strikes were so good, that plans were accelerated and the 2nd Brigade was sent in a day early on April 3. Two days latter the 1st Brigade was airlifted to the battlefield, along with 3 battalions of ARVN’s. In 5 days the 1st Air Cav brought over 15,000 combat troops to the battle field. The Cav took the high ground and opened 7 LZ’s in 5 days.

Things heated up for the air cavalrymen on April 6, when the 3rd Brigade encountered a NVA blocking force and fought a day-long engagement. On the following day, the 2nd Brigade captured the old French fort near Khe Sanh village after a 3-day battle. The link-up between the relief force and the Marines at KSCB took place at 0800 on April 8, when the 2/7 Cavalry entered the camp. Soon to follow were signs reading “Under New Management, complements of the 1st AIR CAV”.

1/8 and 1/12 Cavalry, after landing on LZ Snapper, engaged in several sharp fights as they pushed north towards Khe Sanh and then west towards the Laotian border and the Special Forces camp at Lang Vei. The camp was retaken by the 1/12th on April 10 after a day’s fighting. The 1/8th and 1/12th also had good luck in turning up many of the large supply caches around Khe Sanh. On every day of the operation the 1st Brigade units turned up caches of weapons and ammunition.

The 11th Engineers proclaimed Route 9 open to traffic on April 11. On that day, Gen. Tolson ordered his unit to immediately make preparations for Operation Delaware, an air assault into the A Shau Valley. At 08:00 on April 15, Operation Pegasus was officially terminated. US casualties amounted to 59 killed in action and 5 missing; 33 South Vietnamese troops were also killed and 187 wounded. The cost to the NVA was at least 1300 KIA and the loss of much valuable equipment.
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Old April 1st, 2017, 01:31 PM   #4494
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466 BC
Battle of the Eurymedon

In 479 BC, as the Persian army in Greece was defeated at Plataea (see posting), the Allied fleet defeated the demoralized remnants of the Persian fleet in the Battle of Mycale (see posting). This marked the end of the Persian invasion, and the beginning of the next phase in the Greco-Persian wars, the Greek counterattack. After Mycale, the Greek cities of Asia Minor again revolted, with the Persians now powerless to stop them. The Allied fleet sailed to the Chersonesos, still held by the Persians, and besieged and captured the town of Sestos. In 478 BC, the Allies sent a force to capture the city of Byzantium (modern Istanbul). The siege was successful, but the behavior of the Spartan general Pausanias alienated many of the Allies, and resulted in Pausanias’ recall. The siege of Byzantium was the last action of the Hellenic alliance that defeated the Persian invasion.

Sparta was eager to end her involvement in the war. The Spartans felt that, with the liberation of mainland Greece, and the Greek cities of Asia Minor, the war’s goals had been reached. There was also perhaps a feeling that securing long-term security for the Asian Greeks would prove impossible. The loose alliance that fought against Xerxes’ invasion was dominated by Sparta and the Peloponnesian league. With the Spartan withdrawal, leadership of the Greeks now explicitly passed to the Athenians. A congress was called on the holy island of Delos to institute a new alliance to continue the fight against the Persians. This alliance, now including many of the Aegean islands, was formally constituted as the First Athenian Alliance, commonly known as the Delian League. According to Thucydides, the official aim of the League was to “avenge the wrongs they suffered by ravaging the territory of the king.” Forces of the Delian League spent much of the next decade expelling the remaining Persian garrisons from Thrace, and expanding the Aegean territory controlled by the League.

Once the Persian forces in Europe had largely been neutralized, the Athenians seem to have gone about starting to extend the Delian League in Asia Minor. The islands of Samos, Chios and Lesbos seem to have become members of the original Hellenic alliance after Mycale, and presumably were also therefore original members of the Delian League. However, it is unclear exactly when the other Ionian cities, or indeed the other Greek cities of Asia Minor, joined the league, though they certainly did at some point.

Cimon’s Eurymedon campaign itself seems to have begun in response to the assembly of a large Persian fleet and army at Aspendos, near the mouth of the Eurymedon River. It is usually argued that the Persians were the would-be aggressors, and that Cimon’s campaign was launched to deal with this new threat. However, it has also been suggested that the Persian build-up was the first concerted attempt to counter the activity of the Greeks since the failure of the second invasion. It is possible that internal strife in the Persian empire had contributed to the length of time it took to launch this campaign.

The nature of naval warfare in the ancient world, dependent as it was on large teams of rowers, meant that ships would have to make landfall every few days to resupply with food and water. This severely limited the range of a fleet, and essentially meant that navies could only operate in the vicinity of secure naval bases. The Persian forces gathered at Aspendos were probably aiming to move along the southern coast of Asia Minor, capturing each city, until eventually the Persian navy could begin operating in Ionia again.

Plutarch says that upon hearing that the Persian forces were gathering at Aspendos, Cimon sailed from Cnidus, in Caria, with 200 triremes. It is highly likely that Cimon had assembled this force because the Athenians had had some warning of a forthcoming Persian campaign to re-subjugate the Asiatic Greeks. Certainly, no other league business would have required such a great force. Cimon may have been waiting in Caria because he expected the Persians to march straight into Ionia, along the Royal road from Sardis. According to Plutarch, Cimon sailed to the Greek city of Phaselis (in Lycia) but was refused admittance. He therefore began ravaging the lands of Phaselis, but with the mediation of the Chian contingent of his fleet, the people of Phaselis agreed to join the league. The fact that Cimon preemptively captured Phaselis suggests that he anticipated a Persian campaign to capture the coastal cities. The presence of both army and navy at Aspendos may have persuaded him that there was to be no immediate assault on Ionia. By capturing Phaselis, the furthest east Greek city in Asia Minor (and just to the west of the Eurymedon), he effectively blocked the Persian campaign before it had begun, denying them the first naval base they needed to control. Taking further initiative, Cimon then moved to directly attack the Persian fleet at Aspendos. According to Plutarch, the League fleet consisted of 200 triremes and around 5000 hoplite marines.

Several different estimates for the size of the Persian fleet are given. Thucydides says that there was a fleet of 200 Phoenician ships, and is generally considered the most reliable source. Plutarch gives numbers of 350 from Ephorus and 600 from Phanodemus (this number may include supply ships). Furthermore, Plutarch says that the Persian fleet was awaiting 80 Phoenician ships sailing from Cyprus. Although Thucydides’ account is generally favored, there may an element of truth in Plutarch’s assertion that the Persians were awaiting further reinforcements; this would explain why Cimon was able to launch a preemptive assault. There are no estimates in the ancient sources for the size of the Persian land army. However, the number of Persian marines accompanying the fleet was presumably in the same range as the number of Greek marines, since the Persian ships carried the same complement of troops. Plutarch says that Tithraustes was commander of the royal fleet, and Pherendatis of the infantry, but says that Callisthenes named Ariomandes as overall commander.

Thucydides gives only the barest details for this battle; the most reliable detailed account is given by Plutarch. According to him, the Persian fleet was anchored off the mouth of the Eurymedon, awaiting the arrival of the Phoenicians from Cyprus. Cimon, sailing from Phaselis, made to attack the Persians before the reinforcements arrived, whereupon the Persian fleet, eager to avoid fighting, retreated into the river itself. However, when Cimon continued to bear down, they accepted battle. Regardless of their numbers, the Persian battle line was quickly breached, and the Persian ships then turned about, and made for the river bank. Grounding their ships, the crews sought sanctuary with the army waiting nearby. Some ships may have been captured or destroyed during the naval battle, but it seems likely that most were able to land.

The Persian army now began to move towards the Greek fleet, which had presumably also grounded in order to capture the Persian ships. Despite the weariness of his troops, Cimon, seeing “that his men were exalted by the impetus and pride of their victory, and eager to come to close quarters with the Barbarians”, landed his marines and proceeded to attack the Persian army. Initially the Persian line held, but eventually, the heavily armored hoplites proved superior, and routed the Persian army. Fleeing back to their camp, the Persians were captured, along with their camp, by the victorious Greeks.

Thucydides says that 200 Phoenician ships were captured and destroyed. It is highly unlikely that this occurred during the apparently brief naval battle, so these were probably grounded ships captured after the battle and destroyed with fire. Plutarch says that 200 ships were captured, in addition to those destroyed or fled. Cimon supposedly then sailed as quickly as possible to intercept the Phoenician fleet. Taking them by surprise, he captured or destroyed the entire force. However, Thucydides does not mention this subsidiary action, and some have cast doubt on whether it actually happened.

The Eurymedon was a highly significant victory for the Delian League, which probably ended once and for all the threat of another Persian invasion of Greece. It also seems to have prevented any Persian attempt to reconquer the Asiatic Greeks until at least 451 BC. The accession of further cities of Asia Minor to the Delian league, particularly from Caria, probably followed Cimon's campaign there.

Despite Cimon’s massive victory, something of a stalemate developed. The Greeks do not appear to have pressed their advantage in a meaningful way. This might be because revolt in Thasos meant that resources were diverted away from Asia Minor to prevent the Thasians seceding from the League. Conversely, the Persians adopted a very defensive strategy for the next decade and a half. The Persian fleet was effectively absent from the Aegean until 451 BC, and Greek ships were able to ply the coasts of Asia Minor with impunity. The next major Delian League campaign against the Persian would only occur in 460 BC, when the Athenians decided to support a revolt in the Egyptian satrapy of the Persian empire (see posting).
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Old April 2nd, 2017, 01:07 PM   #4495
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April 2, 1879
Battle of Gingindlovu

With the invasion of Zululand, Col. Charles Pearson had led No. 1 Column of the British invasion force across the Tugela River with the intention of creating an advanced base at Eshowe. This they did, but found themselves besieged in the hastily constructed base, at a deserted Norwegian mission station. C-in-C Lord Chelmsford’s desperate worry was that this force would succumb before he could relieve it.

Following the disaster of Isandlwana, the British government rushed reinforcements to Natal. On March 29, 1879 Chelmsford’s column crossed the Tugela River and began its march to the relief of Pearson’s force. The column composed 3390 Europeans and 2280 Africans, and a range of artillery, including two 9-pounders, four rocket tubes and two Gatling guns. The country was covered by Zulu scouts and signals flashed from Pearson’s camp at Eshowe. Progress was slow, as Chelmsford took a roundabout route to avoid ambush in the close country Pearson had previously passed through. In addition, the rivers were swollen by heavy rains and fearing a repeat of Isandlwana, Chelmsford ensured his men spent much time laagering and entrenching their camp at the end of each day.

On April 1, Chelmsford’s column reached the Royal Kraal of Gingindlovu and laagered for the night as a heavy rain came on. The laager was sited on a 300-foot ridge running roughly west-east. West of the ridge, the ground dipped, only to rise again to the 470-foot Umisi Hill. The ground sloped away in all directions, allowing a good field of fire. A trench surrounded a waist high wall of earth, which itself encompassed 120 wagons, and formed a square with sides of 130 yards m) in length. The north face of the square was held by 3rd Battalion, 60th Rifles; the left by 99th Regiment and the Buffs (3rd Foot) and the right face by the 57th. The corners of the square were reinforced by artillery and rockets.

While these defenses were being constructed, Chelmsford’s chief scout, John Dunn, a pre-war inhabitant of Zululand for many years, scouted across the Nyezane River. He returned in the evening bearing news of Zulus massing on the far side of Umisi Hill. A second scouting party reported no forces there, but that an impi was camped northwest of the laager. While the scouts could not assess the Zulu strength because of the darkness, this impi was in fact composed of 12,000 warriors, all of whom had been at Isandlwana. The impi had been ordered to ambush the relief column, and thwarted by Chelmsford already; this was their final chance to stop the column before it reached Eshowe. The night passed with no attack.

At daybreak on April 2, the morning sun revealed a muddy and sodden ground and a heavy mist. Chelmsford could not move his wagons until the ground dried out, and so sent out the Natal Native Contingent to provoke the Zulus into an attack while he held a strong position. The regiments in the camp stood to at 4 AM.

Shortly before 6:00, reports came in from the advanced pickets of the Zulu approach. As the mist lifted, a native soldier pointed to the skyline. “Impi” he declared. The officers stared at the hilltop, realizing that what they had taken to be a long smudge of vegetation was the mass of the advancing Zulu “chest”. The left “horn” of the impi was seen advancing eastwards over the river towards the laager before disappearing into tall grass. Zulu skirmishers opened fire from cover as they rushed forward.

The first attack was received by the 60th Rifles. One of the newly arrived regiments, the young soldiers of the 60th found the ordeal of the Zulu attack trying and it took all the leadership of the battalion’s officers to keep the line steady and firing, the Gatling guns at the ends of the line providing much needed support. Under heavy fire, the Zulu charge faltered and flowed around to the west flank of the square, where the attack was renewed against the 99th Regiment. In the face of the volley firing from the two sides of the square the Zulu “chest” finally went to ground in cover.

When the left “horn” re-emerged, it joined the rest of the impi, and the left horn, chest and right horn were advancing over Umisi Hill. The whole charging “buffalo” formation came in at a run on the 3 sides of the laager. The “horns” of the Zulu advance rushed around the British position expecting to find the rear open, as at Isandlwana, only to meet the volley firing of the 91st Highland Regiment. This was the scenario Chelmsford had planned for, at a range of between 300 and 400 yards, the British infantry opened fire, supported by the Gatling guns and rockets. Zulu marksmen caused a few casualties within the laager, but the defenders kept the Zulus at bay and Chelmsford's defense was working.

In the face of the sustained fire from the 91st, the attack on the rear of the laager ebbed away after 20 minutes and Chelmsford ordered his mounted units out of the square to complete the victory. The mounted attack was premature and it was some time before the Zulu withdrawal took hold. By 07:30, the battle was over, with the Zulus in full retreat, pursued by the mounted troops and the native contingent. Large numbers of Zulu warriors were killed in the long pursuit. As at Khambula the Zulu wounded left on the field were killed. The Zulu army was effectively dispersed.

Around the laager itself, 700 Zulu bodies were counted and 300 more were killed in the pursuit. The British lost 11 dead and 48 wounded. The outcome of the battle was a great relief to Chelmsford, showing him that his army’s confidence was re-established and enabling him to continue his advance to Pearson’s camp.
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Old April 2nd, 2017, 05:56 PM   #4496
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As I have stated on the Noticeable this week thread, today is the 35th Anniversary of the start of the Falklands War! There is a VEF thread if anyone is interested.

http://vintage-erotica-forum.com/t22...lands-war.html

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Old April 2nd, 2017, 09:37 PM   #4497
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Quote:
Originally Posted by rupertramjet View Post
As I have stated on the Noticeable this week thread, today is the 35th Anniversary of the start of the Falklands War! There is a VEF thread if anyone is interested.
I am, it was a very interesting war.
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Old April 3rd, 2017, 01:11 PM   #4498
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April 3, 1645
The Self Denying Ordinance

At the outset of the English Civil War, Parliament gave command of its main armies to members of the aristocracy. This was in accordance with well-established practices of the day, and generalships were accorded to the Earls of Manchester and Essex among others. Edward Montagu, Earl of Manchester, was given charge of the Eastern Association, where Oliver Cromwell served under him as a cavalry officer.

Parliament was soon hindered by dissension within this system. These officers were not professional soldiers; their experience and skill at warfare varied. More significantly, a faction of them avoided engagements, hoping that reconciliation with King Charles I was still possible. The Earl of Manchester, perhaps the most prominent of these, expressed his pessimism for the war as follows: “If we beat the King ninety and nine times yet he is king still, and so will his posterity be after him; but if the King beat us once, we shall be all hanged, and our posterity be made slaves”.

As the war proceeded, it was clear that Essex and Manchester were half-hearted in pursuing the fight against the royalists, an attitude that became ever more apparent as the struggle became more radical. The growing rift between the Lords and the Commons finally came to a point of crisis when the fruits of the great victory at the Battle of Marston Moor (see posting) were allowed to slip away at the disappointing 2nd Battle of Newbury (see posting). It was after this that the political tensions between Cromwell and Manchester could no longer be contained by the established forms of command.

Members of Parliament, notably Cromwell and Sir William Waller, saw the need for radical reform of the army. For Cromwell, this attack on Manchester’s conduct ultimately became an attack on the Lords, most of whom held the same views as Manchester, and on the Scots, who attempted to bring Cromwell to trial as an “incendiary”. At the height of this bitter controversy, Cromwell suddenly proposed to stifle all animosities by the resignation of all officers who were members of either House. The Ordinance was engineered by Sir Henry Vane and the parliamentary “War Party” and, in theory, affected Cromwell no less than the Earls of Essex and Manchester.

The first self-denying bill was put before Parliament on December 9, 1644. It provided that “no member of either house shall have or execute any office or command...” in the armed forces. It passed the House of Commons on December 19, but was thrown out by the Lords on January 13, 1645. The Lords, naturally, were reluctant to approve an ordinance that would automatically exclude nobles from military command. A second version of the bill was prepared, which required resignations as above, but did not forbid re-appointment of the officers. This bill was agreed to on April 3, 1645.

The self-denying ordinance improved military unity by separating the quarrels in Parliament from the immediate questions of command. Leaders from the Presbyterian “peace party" faction in Parliament were excluded from command. The Presbyterian Sir William Waller resigned from the army, as did the Independent Sir Arthur Hesilrige. Manchester and Essex forfeited their generalships, as Lord Warwick did his command of the navy. Leadership of Parliament’s troops fell to Sir Thomas Fairfax, then a lieutenant general, who was among the few officers still eligible for the post.

In practical terms, the ordinance solidified the power of Cromwell and his “war party” faction. Cromwell was a member of the House of Commons, so he was obliged to resign his post as well. However, the Committee of Both Kingdoms, which oversaw the war, found his talents as a soldier indispensable. His term in command was extended several times, in 40-day increments, until it was finally made permanent. While this appointment was officially as Fairfax’s lieutenant general, Cromwell wielded influence well beyond his rank. In addition Sir William Brereton, who was engaged in directing the long drawn out siege of Chester, retained his military command as well as his seat in Parliament.

This reform helped usher in Cromwell’s New Model Army. This reorganized force, designed for unity and efficiency, incorporated several practices recognizable in modern armies. In addition to a professional officer corps, promoted on merit, it replaced the sometimes bulky local units with nationally controlled regiments, standardized training protocols, and ensured regular salary payments to the troops. This army soon turned the war in favor of Parliament.
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Old April 3rd, 2017, 02:12 PM   #4499
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I have just finished 'Marston Moor' by Michael Arnold. Whilst very much a novel, and obviously with sub plots, ir deals with the Royalist approach to this battle, from the sack of Bolton, a particularly bloody one, to the end of the Battle, the battle itself occupies about fifty pages of well researched action, and Cromwell's role is well detailed.Arnold himself has a lifelong fascination with the Civil War and it is well researched and well worth a read!
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Old April 4th, 2017, 12:45 PM   #4500
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April 4, 2004
1st Battle of Fallujah

Fallujah had generally benefited economically under Saddam Hussein, and many residents were employed as military and intelligence officers by his administration. The city was one of the most religious and culturally traditional in Iraq. Following the collapse of Ba’ath rule in early 2003, residents had elected a town council that kept the city from falling into the control of looters and criminals. The council was considered to be nominally pro-American, and its election originally meant that the United States had decided that the city was unlikely to become a hotbed of activity, and didn't require any immediate troop presence.

Although Fallujah had seen sporadic air strikes, public opposition was not galvanized until 700 members of 82nd Airborne Division first entered the city on April 23, 2003, and approximately 150 members of Charlie Company occupied al-Qa’id primary school. On April 28, a crowd of approximately 200 gathered outside the school past curfew, demanding that the Americans vacate the building and allow it to re-open as a school. The protests became increasingly heated, and the deployment of smoke failed to disperse the crowd. The protest escalated as gunmen fired on US forces from the crowd and soldiers returned fire, killing 17 and wounding more than 70. Two days later, a protest at the former Ba’ath Party HQ decrying the shootings was also fired upon by US forces, which resulted in 3 more deaths. Following both incidents, coalition forces asserted that they had not fired upon the protesters until they were fired upon first.

The 82nd Airborne was replaced by 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment and 101st Airborne Division’s 2/502 Regiment, B.Company “Renegades”. On June 4, the Renegades came under attack after a presence patrol, hit with an RPG while mounting vehicles to take them back the base. The attack resulted in 6 wounded and 1 KIA. Soon after this, 3rd Armored Cavalry was forced to request an additional 1500 troops to help quell the growing resistance in Fallujah and nearby Habaniyya.

On June 30, a large explosion occurred in a mosque in which the imam and 8 other people were killed. While the local population claimed that Americans had fired a missile at the mosque, US forces claimed that it was an accidental detonation by insurgents constructing bombs. On February 12, 2004, insurgents attacked a convoy carrying Gen. John Abizaid, commander of US forces in the Middle East, after seemingly infiltrating the Iraqi security forces. Eleven days later, insurgents diverted Iraqi police to a false emergency on the outskirts of the city, before simultaneously attacking 3 police stations, the mayor’s office and a civil defense base. At least 17 police officers were killed, and as many as 87 prisoners released. During this time, the 82nd Airborne was conducting regular raids in the city, where Humvee convoys would destroy road barriers and curbs that could hide IEDs, and oversee searches of homes and schools, which frequently saw property damage, and led to shoot-outs.

In March 2004, authority of Al-Anbar province, including Fallujah, was transferred to the I Marine Expeditionary Force commanded by Lt. Gen. James Conway. By this time, the city began to fall under the increasing influence of guerrilla factions. The rising violence resulted in the complete withdrawal of troops from the city, with only occasional incursions trying to gain and reinforce a foothold. This was coupled with one or two patrols around the outer limits of FOB (Forward Operating Base) Volturno, the former site of Qusay and Uday Hussein’s palace.

On March 31, insurgents in Fallujah ambushed a convoy containing 4 private military contractors from Blackwater USA conducting delivery. The 4 were killed by machine gun fire and a grenade thrown through a window of their SUVs. A mob then set their bodies ablaze, and their corpses were dragged through the streets before being hung over a bridge crossing the Euphrates. The insurgents provided images to news agencies for broadcast worldwide, causing indignation in the United States. An announcement of an upcoming pacification of the city promptly followed. On April 3, 1st Marine Expeditionary Force received a written command from the Joint Task Force, ordering offensive operations against Fallujah. This went against the wishes of the Marine commanders on the ground who wanted to conduct surgical strikes and raids against those suspected of involvement in the Blackwater deaths.

On the night of April 4, American forces launched a major assault in an attempt to “re-establish security in Fallujah” by encircling it with around 2000 troops. American troops blocked roads into the city with Humvees and concertina wire. They also took over a local radio station and handed out leaflets urging residents to remain in their homes and help American forces identify insurgents and any Fallujans who were involved in the Blackwater deaths. It was estimated that there were 12-24 “hardcore” groups of insurgents, some supplied by the Iraqi Police. By April 6, military sources said that “Marines may not attempt to control the center of the town”. In the opening days, it was reported that up to a third of the civilian populace fled the city.

The resulting engagements set off widespread fighting throughout Central Iraq and along the Lower Euphrates, with various elements of the insurgency commencing simultaneous operations against Coalition forces. This period marked the emergence of the Mahdi Army of Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. There was also a surge in a Sunni rebellion in Ramadi. Some elements of the Iraqi police and Iraqi Civil Defense Corps turned on Coalition forces or simply abandoned their posts.

The rebels in Fallujah held on as the Americans attempted to tighten their hold. AC-130 gunships attacked targets a number of times. Scout snipers became a core element of the Marines’ strategy, averaging 31 kills apiece in the battle, while Tactical Psychological Operations Teams tried to lure Iraqis out into the open for the snipers by reading scripts aimed at angering insurgent fighters and by blaring AC/DC and Metallica over their loudspeakers. After 3 days of fighting, it was estimated that the Marines had gained control over 25% of the city, although it was suggested that insurgents had lost a number of key defensive positions.

Due to the fact that American attacks were taking a toll on civilians as well as insurgents, coalition forces faced growing criticism from within the Iraqi Governing Council. At noon on April 9, under pressure from the Governing Council, Paul Bremer, head of the occupation authority, announced that the US forces would unilaterally hold a ceasefire, stating that they wanted to facilitate negotiations and allow government supplies to be delivered to residents. As a consequence, much-needed humanitarian relief which had been held up by the fighting managed to enter the city. Some US forces used this time to occupy abandoned houses and convert them into de facto bunkers, while insurgents did the same.

Although hundreds of insurgents had been killed, the city remained firmly in their control. American forces had only managed to gain a foothold in the industrial district to the south of the city. The end of major operations for the time being led to negotiations between various Iraqi elements and the Coalition forces, punctuated by occasional firefights.

On April 19, the ceasefire seemed to be consolidated with a plan to reintroduce joint US/Iraqi patrols in the city. Over time this arrangement broke down and the city remained a major center of opposition to the Iraqi Interim Government. Additionally, the composition of the armed groups in Fallujah changed during the following months, shifting from domination by secular, ex-Ba’athist groups towards a marked influence of warlords with ties to organized crime and groups following a radical Wahhabi stance.

On April 27, insurgents attacked US defensive positions, forcing the Americans to call in air support. In response, the next day, the aircraft carrier George Washington launched 4 squadrons to fly combat sorties against insurgents in Fallujah.

On May 1, the US troops withdrew from Fallujah, as Lt. Gen. Conway announced that he had unilaterally decided to turn over any remaining operations to the newly formed Fallujah Brigade - a Sunni security force formed by the CIA, which would be armed with US weapons and equipment under the command of former Ba’athist Gen. Jasim Mohammed Saleh. Several days later, when it became clear that Saleh had been involved in military actions against Shi’ites under Saddam Hussein, it was announced that Muhammed Latif would instead lead the brigade. Nevertheless, the group dissolved and turned over all its American weapons to the insurgency by September. Brigade soldiers declared for the insurgents - signing up for the association of jihadist and nationalist groups that vied for authority in the town. prompting the 2nd Battle of Fallujah in November, which successfully occupied the city.

27 US servicemen were killed during the battle in Fallujah. A total of 800 Iraqis died in the battle as well, many of them civilian. The largest combat mission since the declaration of the end of “major hostilities”, the 1st Battle of Fallujah marked a turning point in public perception of the conflict. This was because insurgents, rather than Saddam loyalists, were seen as the chief opponents. It was also judged by both military and civilian agencies, that reliance upon US-funded regional militias, such as the failed Fallujah Brigade, could prove disastrous. The battle also pushed Abu Musab al-Zarqawi into the public spotlight as the best-known commander of anti-Coalition forces in Iraq, and brought public attention to the concept of a Sunni Triangle.
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