The Military History Thread

[Ennath]

November 15, 655
Battle of the Winwaed

The roots of the battle lay in Penda of Mercia’s success in dominating England through a number of military victories, most significantly over the previously dominant Northumbrians. In alliance with Cadwallon ap Cadfan of Gwynedd he had defeated and killed Edwin of Northumbria at Hatfield Chase in 633 (see posting), and subsequently he defeated and killed Oswald of Northumbria at the Battle of Maserfield in 642 (see posting). Maserfield effectively marked the overthrow of Northumbrian supremacy, and in the years that followed the Mercians apparently campaigned into Bernicia, besieging Bamburgh at one point; the Northumbrian sub-kingdom of Deira supported Penda during his 655 invasion.

Penda, after gathering allies from East Anglia and Wales, marched with a force led by “thirty warlords”. Oswald’s brother Oswiu had succeeded him only in Bernicia, the northern part of Northumbria, and was besieged by Penda’s forces at a place called Urbs Iudeu. Iedeu appears as a historic name for Jedburgh, in the north of the kingdom. Apparently Oswiu was desperate enough to offer a great deal of treasure to Penda in exchange for peace. Although the sources are unclear, it is likely that some sort of agreement was reached at Iudeu: although Bede says that Oswiu’s offers were rejected by Penda, who, Bede says, was determined to destroy Oswiu’s people “from the highest to the lowest”, he does mention that Oswiu’s young son Ecgfrith was being held hostage by the Mercians, perhaps as part of a deal. The Historia Brittonum contradicts Bede regarding the treasure, saying that Penda distributed it among his British allies, which would presumably mean that he accepted it. Penda and his army then began marching home, but for some reason his army and that of Oswiu met and fought at a place called the River Winwead.

It is almost certain that the small Northumbrian forces were considerably outnumbered by the Mercians and their allies. According to Bede, before the battle Oswiu prayed to God and promised to make his daughter a nun and grant 12 estates for the construction of monasteries if he was victorious.

Penda’s army was apparently weakened by desertions. According to the Historia Brittonum, Penda’s ally Cadafael ap Cynfeddw of Gwynedd (thereafter remembered as Cadomedd, “battle-shirker”) abandoned him, along with his army, and Bede says that Aethelwald of Deira withdrew from the battle to await the outcome from a place of safety. Penda was soundly defeated, and both he and his ally, the East Anglian King Aethelhere, were killed, with 30 allied leaders of warbands (duces regii). The battle was fought by the river in the midst of heavy rains, and Bede says that “many more were drowned in the flight than destroyed by the sword”. Bede mentions that Penda’s head was cut off. Writing in the 12th century, Henry of Huntingdon expanded his version of Bede’s text to include supernatural intervention and remarked that Penda, in dying violently on the battlefield, was suffering the same fate he had inflicted on others during his aggressive reign.

Mercia’s position of dominance was destroyed, and Northumbrian dominance was restored; Mercia itself was divided, with the northern part being taken by Oswiu outright and the southern part going to Penda’s Christian son Peada, who had married into the Bernician royal line (although Peada survived only until his murder in 656). Northumbrian authority over Mercia was overthrown within a few years, however.

Significantly, the battle marked the effective demise of Anglo-Saxon paganism. Penda had continued in his traditional paganism despite the widespread conversions of Anglo-Saxon monarchs to Christianity, and a number of Christian kings had suffered death in defeat against him; after Penda’s death, Mercia was converted, and all the kings who ruled thereafter (including Penda’s sons Peada, Wulfhere and Æthelred) were Christian.

[Ennath]

267 BC
Chremonidean War

The origins of the war lie in the continuing desire of many Greek states, most notably Athens and Sparta, for a restoration of their former independence along with the Ptolemaic desire to stir up discontent within the sphere of influence of its Macedonian rival. Ptolemy Philadelphus’ ambitions in the Aegean were threatened by Macedonian King Antigonus Gonatas’ fleet, so he carefully built up an anti-Macedonian coalition in Greece. He especially concentrated on courting Athens, by supplying her with grain. The anti-Macedonian faction in Athens, led by the stoic Chremonides, took power and proceeded to declare war on Macedon.

The Greek revolt presented Antigonus with his most formidable challenge since he had secured the throne. Since the time of Philip II, control of Greece had been a core tenet of Macedonian policy. He had one major advantage in the war - possession of Corinth, a central position which prevented a junction between the Athenians and Spartans.

In 267, King Areus of Sparta marched north, but was forced to fall back due to a shortage of supplies. In 266, he marched north again, aided by a revolt in Megara by some of Antigonus’ Gallic mercenaries. Antigonus himself sailed to Corinth, suppressed the mutiny and besieged Athens; Areus pulled back to a safer position. A Ptolemaic fleet forced the Macedonians to abandon the siege of Athens, but that was about the limit of Egyptian aid.

In 265, Antigonus met Areus in battle outside Corinth; the Spartans were crushed and Areus was killed. Athens was blockaded by land, while combination of the Macedonian fleet and pirates in Antigonus’ employ interfered with the Athenian food supply. The Spartan defeat meant that the Athenians were on their own. An Epirote invasion of Macedon in 262 provided no more than a distraction for Antigonus and was easily turned back.

With their primary ally defeated and too militarily weak to confront the Macedonians alone, the Athenians could do little but wait behind their walls and hope the Ptolemies could send aid before the inevitable siege. Unfortunately for them, however, Philadelphus would not be ready to mount a major expedition until after Athens had already been starved into surrender in 261. In the end it did not matter since when the Egyptians finally tried to send aid and reinforcements to Athens, their fleet was defeated off Cos (probably in 261). After the fall of Athens, she lost the last vestiges of her pre-Hellenistic independence and was garrisoned by Macedonian troops until 229 BC.

[Ennath]

November 16, 1912
Battle of Monastir

For operations in the 1st Balkan War, the Serbs deployed 4 groups. Crown Prince Alexander commanded 1st Army, the largest, about 132,000 men. 2nd Army (Stepa Stepanovich) had 74,000 men deployed in southwestern Bulgaria. 3rd Army (Bozhidar Jankovich), with 56,000 men, was in 2 groups in western Serbia. The remaining troops were in northwestern Serbia to take control of the Sanjak.. The plan was for 1st Army to drive directly down the Morava Valley into Macedonia before the Turks could be reinforced. This would not only destroy Ottoman control, but it would also establish a presence in the “contested regions” that had been established in the treaty with Bulgaria. 2nd Army would advance into Macedonia from Bulgaria, cut off enemy reinforcements and prevent 1st Army’s victims from escaping. 3rd Army would tackle the Ottoman left in Kosovo. The 3 armies would unite at Skoplje to eliminate the Turkish presence.

The Ottomans had 175,000 men in Macedonia and Albania, augmented by Albanian volunteers. The main forces were in the Vardar and Struma Valleys. The largest formation was the Vardar Army (65,000 men under Zeki Pasha). The overall commander in the west was Ali Riza Pasha in Salonika.

The Serbs crossed the border on October 19 and soon encountered the Vardar Army; they were, taken by surprise at the size of the Turkish force. Ordered to take the offensive, Zeki attacked the Serbian right flank at Kumanovo on October 23. Initially successful, the Ottomans soon ran into stiffening Serbian resistance. The Serbs counterattacked the following day; their artillery quickly gained a position of dominance. The Turks were forced to retire with the loss of 12,000 dead and wounded; only 300 were captured. The Serbs lost about 4500 men.

The defeat demoralized the Ottomans, who began a retreat south toward Monastir. Skoplje was abandoned without a fight, along with many guns and plentiful supplies. The attempted assassination of Zeki Pasha by a disgruntled soldier added to the panic. The Serbs entered the town on October 26 and were joined by 3rd Army 3 days later.

Bad weather and difficult roads hampered the pursuit. Conditions forced the Morava Division to move ahead. On November 3, in the autumn rain, its forward elements encountered Kara Said Pasha’s 5th Corps north of Prilep. When the Drina Division arrived the next day, the greater Serbian strength forced the Ottomans to retire south of the city. On the 5th, as the Serbs moved south of the city, they again came under fire. The Turks controlled the heights on the road to Bitola. The Serbs required most of the next day to force the Turks to retreat. Serbian tactics showed the lack of subtlety that would cause such losses during the Great War. The Turks lost about 1350 men, the Serbs about 2000. The road south to Monastir now lay open to the Serbs.

Lacking a territorial agreement with the Greeks, the Bulgarians feared that they might try to occupy large parts of southern Macedonia promised to Bulgaria by the Serbian-Bulgarian treaty. To forestall this possibility, they asked the Serbs to occupy Monastir in southwestern Macedonia before the Greeks could get there. The Serbs were happy to comply, since this would bring almost all of western Macedonia under Serbian occupation. On November 8, the Serbian High Command order 1st Army to advance on Monastir.

The Serbs approached in 2 groups, from the northeast and the northwest. The cavalry scouted ahead, mainly on the Serbian left. The destruction of the rail line between Veles and Monastir by the Turks, along with the cold and rainy weather and miserable roads., hindered the movement of the Serbian artillery and supplies.

The Vardar Army was arrayed in defensive positions around Monastir. 7th Corps (Feti Pasha) held the left, 6th Corps (Djavid Pasha) the center and 5th Corps (Kara Said Pasha) the right. Zeki Pasha retained overall command. The Kochana and Jannina independent divisions supplemented the defense. Since Kumanovo, the strength of the Vardar Army had dwindled to 39,000 men and 100 guns, to face 108,000 Serbs. After the previous defeats, the Ottoman command faced a formidable task organizing this force and instilling a sense of discipline and purpose. They did manage to establish a strong position on the Oblakov Heights northwest of town.

The battle began on the morning of November 16 with an artillery duel. The Serbian infantry then advanced. At first, some Serbian units had to attack without artillery support because the mud hampered the movement of the guns down the road from Prilep. The difficult terrain and Ottoman artillery fire held off the Serbian attack for 2 days. On the 17th, the Serbs succeeded in storming the Oblakov Heights, the key to breaking Ottoman resistance. The next day, the Serbs finally managed to bring up all their artillery, and identified and destroyed the Ottoman batteries that had held up the infantry. The Serbian right pushed past the defense. This caused the entire Vardar Army to break up and retreat This soon became disorganized and panicky.

For the second time in 3 weeks, the Vardar Army had suffered a major defeat. The demoralized Ottoman forces sustained heavy casualties at Monastir. They lost 1000 dead and 2000 wounded. Serbian casualties amounted to 539 dead, 2121 wounded and 329 missing. In addition the Serbs took 5600 prisoners and about 5000 more Turks deserted after the defeat. Among the Ottoman dead was 7th Corps commander Feti Pasha, former ambassador to Belgrade. He was the highest ranking officer on either side to fall in battle during the Balkan Wars. Ottoman 5th Corps fell back toward Florina, while 6th and 7th Corps retreated toward Berat in Albania.

The Serbs entered Monastir on November 19. Some Serbs wanted 1st Army to continue on down the Vardar Valley to Salonika but commander-in-chief Radomir Putnik refused. The threat of war with Austria-Hungary loomed over Serbian gains along the Adriatic coast.\

The remnants of the Vardar Army sought shelter in southeastern Albania. Some of these troops reinforced Jannina, under threat from the Greeks. Djavid Pasha’s 6th Corps, still largely intact, moved to the southern Albanian towns of Berat and Koritsa, where it continued to fight on until the spring of 1913. Over the course of the campaign, the Vardar Army had retreated from northern Macedonia to southern Albania. That Ottoman soldiers could continue to fight at all after 3 demoralizing defeats and a long and difficult retreat is remarkable.

[ShutUpLutz!]

Originally Posted by uli12345

All I wanna say is: Since 1945 Germany has been attacked nobody in the world!

I should remember, that Russia has not won a war after the last world war!

Best regards
Uli

Vietnam.

[bombermouse]

Originally Posted by ShutUpLutz!

Vietnam.

Am I correct in thinking you're saying that Russia, which was the USSR then, won the war in Viet Nam?

[ShutUpLutz!]

Originally Posted by bombermouse

Am I correct in thinking you're saying that Russia, which was the USSR then, won the war in Viet Nam?

Well, the North Vietnamese would never have won the war without military supplies from the Soviet Union, and there were some Soviet pilots who enagaged in dogfights with American pilots and there certainly were some Soviet military advisers offering up advice to Hanoi, but certainly NONE of that was announced by Pravda to the rest of the world and there were never any reports of Soviet infantry turning up during the war.

But I do think there was enough Soviet influence/interference to say that they, along with North Vietnam, won the war. I mean Vietnam was a single country under a communist government after Saigon fell in 1975, right?

[Ennath]

November 17, 1943
Battle of Sattelberg

Australian 9th Division landed north of Finschhafen, New Guinea, on September 22, 1943. They advanced south and captured the port on October 2. Gen. Hatazo Adachi, commander of Japanese 18th Army, was determined to hold Finschhafen, and ordered the troops in the area to carry out an immediate counterattack. This began on October 16, and some Japanese troops actually managed to break through to the coast between Finschhafen and the main Australian landing beach. Despite these early successes the Japanese began to ran out of steam, and on October 19 they were forced to abandon the high ground near the coast. Their foothold on the coast was soon eliminated, and they had to retreat back to Sattelberg.

After the failure of the Japanese counterattack the Australians were able to go back onto the offensive. They still held a fairly narrow coastal strip, running north from Finschhafen past Scarlet Beach and up to Bonga. They also had an isolated outpost at Jivevaneng, on the road west from the coast to Sattelberg. The Japanese held the high ground around Sattelberg, the area north from Sattelberg to Wareo, and a ridge that ran east from Wareo to Gusika, on the coast just to the north of Bonga. They also still had a roadblock east of Jivevaneng, manned by a company from the 80th Regiment.

The Australian attack involved 3 brigades now in the area. 24th Brigade was posted to the north, with the task of cutting the Japanese track between Wareo and Gusika. 20th Brigade was to clear the Japanese roadblock. The 26th had the task of clearing the heights of Sattelberg. 4th Brigade was also moved to the area to reinforce 9th Division.

20th Brigade had a difficult task. The Japanese were well dug in, on a steep ridge, protected by a steep ravine and surrounded by bamboo which acted as an early warning system. The attack began on October 29 when a party from the 2/13th Battalion occupied a position north of the Japanese outpost. Next came an attack on the Japanese supply route. Finally, the outpost itself was attacked, and by the end of November 2 the road had been cleared. This now allowed 26th Brigade to move up to attack Sattelberg.

The 26th was supported by 9 Matilda II tanks, no longer front line weapons against the Germans, but perfectly capable against the Japanese. They moved slowly up the Sattelberg road and by the night of November 9-10 they were in position just to the east of Sattelberg. The tanks helped the brigade in the first part of the offensive, but the terrain stopped them taking part in the final assault.

Brig. Whitehead, commanding 26th Brigade, planned to attack with 3 battalions in line. The 2/24th would advance on the right, towards a known Japanese strongpoint. The 2/48th would follow the road and the 2/23rd would advance on the left. The 2/23rd was joined by the 2/4th Commando Squadron before the attack began. D-Day was set for November 17, with preliminary attacks on the 16th. As always on New Guinea, terrain dominated the Allied plans. The Sattelberg road ran west along one ridge, then turned sharply right to cross a valley before climbing up the steep Sattelberg ridge to the village. This would be the route take by the center and left battalions. The right battalion was to cross to a parallel ridge (the 2200 feature), and then advance west towards Sattelberg.

The D-1 attack began with an artillery bombardment that started early on November 16, carried out by 2 artillery regiments. The infantry soon fell behind the artillery schedule, but they took their main targets for the day.

On D-Day itself the attack was supported by the tanks, and by a barrage of American rockets. The attack started on time, with a howitzer armed tank in the lead, followed by a gun tank and the infantry. The tanks were to take on the heavily fortified Japanese bunkers, while the infantry protected them against close-in attackers. During the morning the advance went well, but at about noon the lead tank was immobilized after it ran over an unexploded Australian 25pdr shell. The tank was stuck just around a corner, so the other tanks couldn’t pass it or tow it away. The infantry continued to advance without the tanks and made some progress before running into a strong Japanese position that held them up. By the end of the day both the 2/23rd and 2/24th were stuck at the positions they had reached at noon, and neither had reached their main objectives for the day. Over the next few days the 2/23rd would make some progress on the left, but the 2.24th would remain held up on the 2200 Feature. The 2/28th made more progress, but was still stuck.

On November 18, the Japanese pulled out of Coconut Grove, the 2/23rd’s target. On the road, the 2/48th, again supported by tanks, attacked, and this time they reached Coconut Grove where they ended the day. On November 19, the tanks ran into an anti-tank ditch which held them up for some time. After this barrier was overcome the advance resumed until the terrain finally defeated the tanks. The day ended with a successful infantry assault up a steep hill covered by the first use of a fougasse (a 5-gallon drum filled with flammable oils) on New Guinea. On November 20, the advance west along the road continued, and on the 21st the Australians broke through at Steeple Tree Hill. There was then no opposition until the advancing troops reached the first hairpin bend on the road. By the end of the day the Australians were ready to attack the Sattelberg ridge itself.

At the start of November 22, the 2/23rd and 2/48th were at Turn-off Corner, where the road turned north to climb onto Sattelberg Ridge. The 2/24th was still stuck on Feature 2200 to the east, and would remain there until the 25th. The 2/23rd advanced to the north-west while the 2/48th advanced up the road. Both units made slow progress, but closed in on the main Japanese position. On November 23, scouts discovered a way across the valley to the right of the road, allowing them to conduct a surprise attack up the southeastern corner of the ridge. On the 24th, the Australians finally managed to get onto the summit after a day of very confused combat. This finally convinced the Japanese to retreat north towards Wareo, their last major inland position. On the morning of November 25, the Australians made an unopposed entry into Sattelberg, while the deadlock was also broken around Position 2200.

In the north, 24th Brigade captured Pabu, blocking the Gusika-Wareo track, on November 19. This was the main Japanese supply route, and they responded with a week of counterattacks. They also carried out a major attack towards the coast between Scarlet Beach and Bonga. The attack began on November 22, but made no real progress. A few days later reinforcements reached the isolated Australian troops at Pabu. This secondary assault greatly helped the attack on Sattelberg by disrupting a planned Japanese counterattack.

The capture of Sattelberg helped secure the beachhead at Finschhafen. It also caused a great deal of damage to Japanese morale on New Guinea, and saw the failure of the last major large-scale counterattacks on the Huon Peninsula. Although the Japanese conducted attacks later in the campaign, they normally had less ambitious aims than their attacks around Finschhafen. The fall of Sattelberg didn’t end the fighting on the Huon Peninsula. The Australian's next target was Wareo, to the north of Sattelberg, the last inland base held by the Japanese at the east end of the Huon Peninsula.

[Ennath]

36 BC
Phraaspa Campaign

On June 9, 38 BC, a Roman army under Publius Ventidius decisively defeated the Parthians at the Battle of Gandarus (see posting). When news of the victory reached Rome, there was rejoicing except in the home of Mark Antony, nominal commander of the Parthian War. It would not do for his subordinate to gain all the victories and the glory - Antony must be present to claim the prize. He immediately departed for the East.

Antony arrived too late to taste the glory of the Roman victories, but he quickly took charge of the Siege of Samosata. He showered Ventidius with faint praise and packed him off to Rome, where the happy Senate voted him a well-deserved triumph, the first ever against the Parthians. Settling into a hero’s retirement, Ventidius soon disappeared from history. Antony quickly tired of the siege of Samosata and accepted 300 gold talents for ending it. Next he dealt with Antigonus, the Parthian-installed Jewish king in Jeru*salem. Antony had the usurper arrested, flogged and crucified. To fill the kingly role in Jerusalem, Antony installed his friend Herod.

Antony then returned to Rome, where he found that public opinion had turned against him and in favor of Octavian. He was faulted for his dalliance with Cleopatra while the Parthians launched their invasion. Only the efforts of Antony’s wife Octavia were able to restore a tenuous harmony between him and her brother, Octavian. Antony made plans to rehabilitate his good name by invading Parthia. The omens seemed favorable. News reached Rome that the remaining sons of wily old King Orodes II had assassinated him. Orodes, who had ruled Persia for 20 years after murdering his own father, had been king when Crassus was defeated. Now one of his patricidal sons, Phraates IV, sat on the bloody Parthian throne. To consolidate his position, Phraates IV ordered the execution of as many as 30 of his brothers and half-brothers. That brutal action signaled the tenor of his reign.

Antony felt the need to achieve greatness. Octavian’s grip on Italy and the West was growing stronger. He had at last defeated Sextus Pompeius using the ships that Antony had loaned him (see posting, Battle of Naulochus). Antony’s power base was in the East. If he achieved decisive victory over the Parthians, he could claim to have personally avenged Crassus and gather untold riches to solidify his position in Rome. Gathering his forces and marching through Cilicia, Antony summoned Cleopatra to join him with their young twins, Cleopatra and Alexander. She was once again pregnant before he sent her back to Egypt.

Caesar had planned an invasion of Parthia by way of Armenia. Antony adopted that strategy. In Syria he assembled 60,000 legionaries, along with 10,000 Spanish and Celtic cavalry. These were joined with an auxiliary force of 30,000 archers, slingers and light infantry from allies and clients. Missing from the ranks were the 20,000 Italian infantry that Octavian had promised. Antony meant to march into Armenia. There, King Artavasdes - who had once encouraged and then betrayed Crassus - sent 6000 horse and 7000 foot soldiers for the common cause.

Such was his haste to rush back to Alexandria and his mistress that Antony hastened the campaign beyond military prudence. After a march of 1000 miles from Rome, he did not allow his soldiers time to rest and refit, but marched at once into Parthian territory. Moving as rapidly as he could in order to catch the enemy off guard, he let his baggage train lag far behind; 300 wagons filled with provisions, extra weapons and siege engines, lumbered slowly along dirt roads under a guard of 10,000 men, among them a large contingent of Armenian cavalry.

The Romans and their allies invaded the province of Media Atropatene (northwestern Iran). In the recent past the king of Media - an unwilling vassal to the unstable Phraates - had signaled his displeasure with his servitude to Parthia. With luck, he might become an ally of Rome. Antony moved boldly into Media and laid siege to the important fortress city of Phraaspa, said to house the treasury as well as the wives and family of the Median king. Perhaps Antony was dreaming of taking them captive - imitating Alexander, who had captured the harem and family of Darius III. The king of Media, though unhappy with Parthian rule, did not take kindly to Antony’s invasion of his country and assault upon his treasury and harem.

Meanwhile King Phraates, leading an army of 40,000 (at least 25% cavalry) up from the south, learned that the Roman baggage train trailed far behind Antony’s van. He sent a large detachment to take it. When the Parthians approached the lumbering wagons, the Armenian cavalry bolted. The Parthians used their deadly bows to reduce the remaining defenders, then plundered and burned the all-important supply wagons.

When news of the loss reached the main Roman army, the Armenian king slunk out of camp and returned home, partly shamed by his men’s behavior and partly because he could see how the wind was blowing. At first Antony resolved to continue the siege. He had already started to pile up an earthen ramp at the base of the city wall - a time-consuming, dangerous job because the workers were within range of every sort of missile that could be hurled from the ramparts. By then, too, the fall equinox had passed and the evening air was chill. Without siege engines, and with an active enemy rapidly joining the fray, the siege proved impossible. Antony was now deep inside enemy territory, his lines of communication cut, supplies lost and winter was on the way.

Antony decided to sally his cavalry against the gathering Parthians. Seeing his determination, they fled, but after a chase of up to 6 miles he had killed fewer than 100 enemy troops. After a few such indecisive and exhausting battles, he decided that he had no choice but to retreat. He petitioned Phraates for a parley. When his envoys reached the Parthian camp, they found the king on a golden throne, strumming on his bowstring. Phraates promised the Roman envoys that Antony would have safe passage after they dropped his demand for the return of the standards captured from Crassus and the return of his surviving prisoners. But Phraates lied. A few days after Antony left his protected camp, the Parthians began to harass his columns.

Antony was tempted to take the easier and shorter route home through the flat country of Assyria, but wisely decided to move through the hills toward Armenia instead. The march would be colder and more difficult during the brutal winter, but the route offered some advantage over the hard-hitting Parthian cavalry. At first the Parthians had some successes against the orderly retreat. On one occasion they nearly cut off the Roman rear guard and inflicted as many as 3000 casualties. Antony rushed back from the vanguard with his heavy infantry to chase off the mounted archers. Thereafter he placed slingers and spearmen on his flanks and rear to offer a bristly reception to raids. On one occasion the Parthians closed in to try to overwhelm the Roman formation. At a signal the Romans rushed out from behind their protection and killed as many of the enemy as they could catch. There were 18 running battles and skirmishes as Antony hacked his way through the mountain passes back to Armenia. All proved indecisive and left both sides cold, exhausted and frustrated.

When Antony reached Armenian territory, the pursuers turned for home. He had lost as many as 20,000 men during the campaign. Another 8000 or more died after Antony reached the borders of Armenia. Even there he did not feel safe. He gave the treacherous Armenian king every sign of friendship but would not dally. As Antony marched his survivors on to Antioch, Octavia was traveling to meet him with money, supplies and clothing for his soldiers. She also brought an additional 2000 troops, courtesy of her brother Octavian. It was not the 20,000 he had promised, and their arrival came much too late. Octavian also returned 85 battered ships of the 120 that Antony had loaned him to fight Sextus Pompeius.

Antony was furious. In Rome, however, Antony was seen as a villain due to his crushing losses and his ill treatment of the popular Octavia. She was still apparently devoted to him and had done everything in her power to aid him, but when he reached Antioch Antony coldly advised her not to come to him. Octavian took offense at the insult to his sister, but Octavia refused to be the cause of the next civil war. She loyally continued to live in Antony’s house and raise his children. Roman public opinion turned decidedly against her adulterous husband. Ironically, Octavia’s loyalty to her husband helped to seal his fate.

Meanwhile, civil war broke out in Parthia. The King of Media, so recently besieged by Antony, now appealed to him for support in a dispute with Phraates. Antony promised to come to his aid, but he dallied in Alexandria until the summer of 34 BC. On his second journey to the East, Antony subjugated Armenia and took King Artavasdes prisoner in revenge for his perfidy. The Armenian king was bundled off to Alexandria, where he was imprisoned until after Antony’s defeat at Actium in 31 BC (see posting). Then a vindictive Cleopatra had him put to death. Armenia would long remember that insult. After capturing Artavasdes, Antony traveled again to Media. This time he was well received, although given his diminished army he had no real help to give. Instead he betrothed one of his young sons by Cleopatra to the daughter of the Median king as a way of making an alliance, and then took his leave.

The Parthian campaign was the turning point in Antony’s fortunes. While he was losing up to 30,000 irreplaceable men and a foreign war, Octavian was consolidating his hold over the Western empire and the hearts of his fellow Romans. The loss of so many loyal and disciplined troops could not be made up in time for the Battle of Actium.

[bombermouse]

Originally Posted by ShutUpLutz!

Well, the North Vietnamese would never have won the war without military supplies from the Soviet Union, and there were some Soviet pilots who enagaged in dogfights with American pilots and there certainly were some Soviet military advisers offering up advice to Hanoi, but certainly NONE of that was announced by Pravda to the rest of the world and there were never any reports of Soviet infantry turning up during the war.

But I do think there was enough Soviet influence/interference to say that they, along with North Vietnam, won the war. I mean Vietnam was a single country under a communist government after Saigon fell in 1975, right?

I would say that North Viet Nam won the war with help from Russia and China, but everybody sees things differently.

[Ennath]

November 18, 1793
Haguenau Campaign

On October 13, 1793, the Coalition army (41,000, mostly Austrian with allied Hessians and French Émigrés) under Dagobert Sigmund von Wurmser defeated the French Army of the Rhine at Wissembourg. The French army fell back south toward Strasbourg.

On October 23, the chilling Louis Antoine de Saint-Just and his colleague Philippe-Francois-Joseph Le Bas arrived as representatives on mission with extraordinary powers. They immediately sent for Jean-Charles Pichegru, who commanded troops on the upper Rhine River, to lead the army. They stopped the practice of officers and men visiting Strasbourg and insisted on strict discipline. They also purged the army staff of noblemen and instituted a harsh regime of shooting and sacking officers. Meanwhile, a gang of revolutionaries dragged a guillotine from village to village visiting retribution on supposed enemies. The gang’s activities became so extreme that even Saint-Just had to call a halt. On October 29, Pichegru arrived at Strasbourg to assume command.

Saint-Just declared that “for the good of the army” a general needed to be executed as an example. Because he had retreated before a small body of Austrian horse, Gen. Isambert was chosen as the example. The 60-year-old Isambert died on November 9; he was one of 17 generals executed in 1793; in the following year the number would almost quadruple. The senior division commander Munnier was temporarily put in charge of the army but when it looked like the appointment might be permanent, he simply stopped communicating any orders. He was of course arrested and sent to Paris, but he managed to escape execution. The number of soldiers fit for duty was 42,420, many of them half-trained National Guards.

After Wissembourg, the Left Wing retreated to the Zorn River at Hochfelden. On October 14, a 4700-man Coalition force (Bavarian, Hessian and Austrian) led by Austrian Franz von Lauer undertook the Siege of Fort-Louis. The 4500-man garrison manned the fort's 111 artillery pieces. The fort surrendered on November 14. On October 22, Austrian Friedrich Freiherr von Hotze attacked Ferino's positions at Saverne. With the help of reinforcements from the Army of the Moselle, Ferino drove off the Coalition force. It is probable that Nicolas Oudinot won a promotion to chef de brigade (colonel) on this occasion. On the 27th, the Austrians attacked Desaix’s division but without success.

Starting on November 18, Pichegru began a series of attacks on the Coalition lines. By this time the French division commanders were Desaix on the right, Claude Ignace Francois Michaud on the right-center, Ferino on the left-center and Pierre Augustin Francois de Burcy on the left. Michaud assaulted the woods near Brumath but his and Desaix’s divisions were turned back. On the left, Burcy and Ferino drove back Hotze and threatened Bouxwiller. Knowing that the Prussian army of Charles William Ferdinand, Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel was withdrawing into winter quarters on his right flank, Wurmser ordered a retreat to positions closer to the Moder River and Haguenau.

Burcy followed up the Coalition withdrawal to Gundershoffen, where, on November 26, the representatives ordered Burcy to attack a strong Coalition redoubt. When Burcy hesitated, the politicians threatened to arrest him. He attacked with 1 brigade, was repulsed, attacked again with the last intact unit and was killed while leading his troops. The soldiers retreated to Uttenhoffen, leaving a second brigade isolated in the Mietesheim forest. Forgotten for 2 days, this brigade was attacked and held its position largely thanks to the leadership of Oudinot. Burcy's replacement was Jacques Maurice Hatry who ordered the brigade to pull back into line that afternoon. Hatry attacked the Gundershoffen redoubt again on December 1 and was repulsed.

Ferino's division fought its way across the Zorn to the village of Mommenheim. Here the French were opposed by Siegfried von Kospoth’s Austrians on their right and the French Royalist Army of Condé on their left. Initial attempts to take the Royalist-held village of Berstheim failed, so Laurent Gouvion Saint-Cyr offered to capture and hold the village. On December 2 Saint-Cyr rapidly seized the village under the noses of the astounded Royalists. However, Brig. Pierre in his haste advanced his troops in poor order and the émigrés took cruel advantage of his mistake. The Royalist cannons suddenly opened up on the Republicans, causing confusion. Part of the Royalist cavalry routed Pierre’s brigade, capturing its artillery. Saint-Cyr was compelled to withdraw from Berstheim. The combat ended when some Austrian troops arrived.

Pichegru ordered Saint-Cyr, a mere lieutenant colonel, to take command of Pierre’s brigade. After his brigade was reinforced, Saint-Cyr moved on Berstheim on December 8. The Royalists taunted the Republicans, asking if they were bringing them more artillery to capture. Saint-Cyr advanced his light troops to the edge of the village before pulling back. The émigrés rushed out in pursuit and were mauled. On the 9th, Saint-Cyr advanced on Berstheim again and was surprised to find that the Royalists had retired. This move was part of Wurmser's deliberate withdrawal to the Moder.

Once established in his Moder defenses, Wurmser repelled assault after assault by Pichegru. The French commander reinforced Desaix on the right in an effort to seize Bischwiller. Michaud hammered at the Coalition forts north of Brumath while Ferino attacked southwest of Haguenau. Off to the west, Hatry’s division repeatedly tried to cross the Zinzel River at Mertzwiller but was driven back each time. Despite being able to hold off the frontal attacks, Wurmser became anxious about his western flank.

In the Battle of Kaiserslautern on November 28-30 (see posting), the Duke of Brunswick repulsed the Army of the Moselle under Lazare Hoche. Thwarted there, Hoche began shifting his army to the right. Already on November 23, Philippe-Joseph Jacob’s division reached Niederbronn-les-Bains on the edge of the Vosges, behind Wurmser’s right flank. Hoche feinted at Kaiserslautern again but in actuality, he ordered his left wing to fortify Pirmasens and Blieskastel while throwing his weight to the east. On December 5, a second division arrived near Niederbronn and its commander Alexandre Taponier assumed control of both divisions.

Taponier's 12,000 troops began fighting their way down the Niederbronn valley on December 8 On December 12, Jean Grangeret’s 10,000-man division joined the other Army of Moselle troops. Pichegru and Hoche met at Niederbronn on the 14th to arrange for their armies to act together. A series a battles ensued in which Francois Joseph Lefebvre took command of Jacob’s division and Jean-de-Dieu Soult led an independent detachment. The Battle of Froeschwiller ended on December 22 when the Army of the Moselle captured Froeschwiller, Woerth and Reichshoffen. This event prompted Wurmser to abandon Haguenau and begin retreating to the Lines of Wissembourg on the Lauter River, closely pursued by the Army of the Rhine.

By continually attacking while shrugging off repulses, the French wore out their enemies rather than defeating them. Pichegru was able to use the dangerous Saint-Just and La Bas for his purposes. He also selected good military advisers. These men were Barthélemy Louis Joseph Schérer, his successor in command of the Upper Rhine Division, Desaix, Claude Alexandre Legrand and his chief of staff Francois Antoine Louis Bourcier. Pichegru also had the courage to protect Desaix from dismissal for the crime of being a nobleman.