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Old December 9th, 2018, 01:06 PM   #5561
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December 9, 1813
Battle of the Nive

After losing his line along the Nivelle river (see posting), Marshal Soult withdrew his army, now numbering 62,000 men, north towards Bayonne, a strongly fortified town which had served as a major supply depot throughout the Peninsular War. The ancient citadel on the north bank overlooked the large Vauban fortress south of the river, while new earthworks had been dug around the city. The citizens were fiercely loyal to Napoleon and for once the French soldiers were made welcome. While part of Soult’s army deployed in the fortifications south of Bayonne, the rest crossed the River Nive and deployed along the bank where they could threaten Wellington’s flank as he advanced towards the city. Any advance against Bayonne was hampered by the terrain and Wellington’s movements were further restricted by the sea to the west and the Nive to the east. The winter weather had also turned the fields in front of Bayonne into a muddy wasteland.

Heavy rains delayed Wellington’s advance until early December. He had 36,000 British, 23,000 Portuguese and 4000 Spanish infantry in France. Another 40,000 Spaniards had been left behind because Wellington feared that they would take revenge for the atrocities and privations inflicted on Spain by the French over the previous 6 years. This would cause the French civilian population to resist, guaranteeing the failure of the Allied invasion.

Wellington planned to approach Bayonne from 2 directions, attacking the flanks of the French army. Sir Rowland Hill would cross the Nive and advance on Bayonne. The rest of the army, under Sir John Hope, would remain on the west bank and also advance north. Rather than confront Soult head on, Wellington hoped to threaten his lines of communication. He now had over 8000 cavalry, over 10 times the number under Soult’s command, but there were few opportunities for them in the rough terrain south of the city. If he could get them across the River Adour east of Bayonne and into the open countryside beyond, the town would be isolated. Wellington’s problem was that by separating two wings of his army, he would leave himself open to defeat in detail. Soult understood this and tried to take advantage of the situation. The French had destroyed the bridges across the Nive south of Bayonne. However, there were 3 bridges in Bayonne, allowing Soult to concentrate his army against either Hill or Hope.

Despite poor weather, Hill led 4 Anglo-Portuguese divisions and the Spanish Division across to the east bank near Ustaritz on December 9. Other Allied troops, under by Lord Beresford, crossed the Nive via a pontoon bridge further north. A bridge at Ustaritz was repaired, so the 2 corps could remain in contact. Meanwhile, Hope (3 divisions and 2 independent Portuguese and 2 British brigades) launched diversionary attacks towards Bayonne on the west bank. Wellington's Reserve included the 4th and 7th Divisions.

Hope advanced to Bayonne, expecting the French to remain in their fortifications. At about 9:00 AM on December 10, however, a French attack from Bayonne took him by surprise. The right flank of Hope’s line was held by a brigade of 7th Division at the bridge of Urdains. Charles Alten’s Light Division defended the center near Bassussary. The left, under John Wilson, was held by Bradford and Campbell’s independent Portuguese brigades north of Barroilhet. The ravine-filled terrain forced the French into these 3 lines of attack. 5th Division lay 3 miles to the rear while 1st Division and Lord Aylmer’s independent British brigade were 10 miles away. Though Wellington ordered the line to be fortified, Hope failed to do this. Ignoring the impregnable position at the bridge of Urdains, Soult committed 5 divisions under Bertrand Clausel against Bassussary and 3 led by Honoré Charles Reille against Barroilhet. The 4 divisions leading the attack were fresh while the supporting troops were tired from skirmishing with Hill’s troops.

The Light Division’s outpost line detected the coming attack, though 50 men were cut off and captured. The French advance soon came upon the ridge of Arcangues, topped by a chateau and a church. After 1 attack was beaten off with ease, Clausel settled down to a futile artillery bombardment and probing attacks against the very strongly built structures. Aylmer’s brigade arrived about 2 PM.

The picket line on Hope's left flank was quickly gobbled up by Reille’s attack and 200 men captured. For the most part, the Portuguese held sturdily, but one unit was broken by French cavalry. Fighting their way back to Barroilhet, the Portuguese held onto the village and awaited reinforcements. The 5th Division arrived, but, due to a staff blunder, was low on ammunition. Soult sent Eugene-Casimir Villatte’s Reserve Division from Bayonne and a division from Clausel to assist Reille. After hours of heavy fighting, he ordered one last charge. This drove to the mayor’s house of Barroilhet, the French skirmishers wounding and nearly capturing Hope. At this point, 1st Division came up and Soult called off his attacks soon afterward.

Both sides lost around 1600 troops before Soult called off the assault. Of these, the Anglo-Allies lost 500 captured, the largest total of any one day of fighting under Wellington. Sporadic clashes occurred over the next two days though neither side was willing to initiate a full-scale attack.

That night Soult's army was weakened when 2 Nassau battalions, having learned the result of the Battle of Leipzig (see posting), went over in their entirety to the Allies. A third battalion was intercepted and disarmed. This event subtracted 2000 infantry from the French army. The defection was orchestrated by the Prince of Orange, through his dynastic connections to Nassau. Soult and Marshal Louis Gabriel Suchet, commanding French troops in northwest Spain, decided to disband all their German units, totaling 3000 men.

On the night of December 12, a temporary pontoon bridge over the Nive at Villefranque was washed away. This isolated Hill’s 14,000 men and 10 guns on the east bank, just as the French were reorganizing for an assault. The nearest bridge was at Ustaritz, which meant that the Reserve had to march 3 times farther than if the washed-out bridge had been intact.

Seizing his opportunity, Soult rapidly switched 6 divisions and 22 guns to the east bank and attacked Hill. Though delayed by congestion at the bridge over the Adour, Soult’s attack against the British positions on the ridge around Saint-Pierre-d’Irube was powerful enough for one British lieutenant colonel to flee the field, taking his battalion (1/3rd Foot) with him. Soult outnumbered Hill’s corps 3-1. Defending a line between Petit Mouguerre (Elizaberry) and the Nive, the Allied corps held on for hours in a bitter fight. Hill performed superbly, feeding in his few reserves with skill and exhorting his troops. After the arrival of reinforcements under Wellington, the French troops refused to continue the attack. The near-mutiny forced Soult to reluctantly retreat into Bayonne, having lost 3000 men against Anglo-Portuguese losses of 1750. The Allied army commander rode up to his subordinate and congratulated him, “Hill, the day’s your own.”

Wellington was now able to put artillery on the south bank of the Adour, stopping traffic along it to Bayonne. This made it impossible for Soult to supply both the population and his army. Consequently he withdrew most of his army from Bayonne on December 14, although he left a garrison that did not surrender until April 27, three weeks after Napoleon abdicated.

Soult’s strategy was masterful. Twice he fell upon isolated allied forces in greatly superior strength. His tactical direction left a lot to be desired. Wellington can be criticized for not anticipating Soult’s moves and being away from the critical point in both battles. Wellington spoke truthfully when he later said, “I will tell you the difference between Soult and me: when he gets into a difficulty, his troops don’t get him out of it; mine always do.”
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Old December 10th, 2018, 12:41 PM   #5562
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December 10, 1941
Battle of the Ledge

In August 1941, the CinC of British Far East Command Air Chief Marshal Robert Brooke-Popham submitted a plan (Matador), to London; the plan relied on the assumption that the Japanese would land at Songkhla and Pattani, then advance south to Jitra and Kroh. It was envisaged that 2 forces could intercept them just over the border, long enough for the main force to assemble. However, there were several problems with the plan. In January, a request for additional resources remained unfulfilled that the plan intended to use and the previous year Britain signed a non-aggression pact with Thailand. On December 5, when the threat of Japanese invasion became clear, the plan was modified to use the forces available. It was to be put into action as soon as an attack was imminent. If an enemy moved into Thailand, troops would rush to Songkhla and defend it against a seaborne attack. This job was allocated to Indian 11th Infantry Division which also had to defend Jitra. These 2 tasks over-stretched its resources, and made its objectives difficult to accomplish.

As an alternative to Matador, 3 ad hoc columns were put together to harass and delay the Japanese advance from their beachheads at Songkhla and Pattani. Krohcol was the most important of these. Krohcol was tasked with the destruction of the feature known as the Ledge. This was a 6-mile stretch of road cut through a steep hillside and bounded on the other side by sheer drop into a river. Destruction of the Ledge would effectively block the road from Pattani thereby ensuring the security of 11th Division’s line of communication and retreat. For the Japanese capture of the Ledge would allow them access to the rear areas of 11th Indian Division, either forcing the British to retreat from Perak and Kedah or if they were fast enough they could even cut 11th Indian Division off entirely.

The original Krohcol was to consist of 3/16 and 5/14 Punjab Regiment, 10th Indian Mountain Battery, and 45th Field Company, Royal Bombay Sappers & Miners. The column that departed Kroh consisted of men from the 3/16th and some engineers under the command of Lt-Col. Henry Moorhead, carried in the Marmon-Herrington AWD trucks of 2/3 Australian Motor Transport Company. Krohcol was under its designated strength and delayed due to the 5/14th and artillery failing to arrive on time. The column left without them.

Krohcol crossed the frontier some 14 hours after the landings at Kota Bharu, on December 8, and met opposition from Thai police and civilian volunteers led by Major Prayoon Rattanakit, police commissioner of the town of Betong. This force harassed the British column from the safety of the surrounding forests and felled rubber trees across the narrow road, slowing the progress of the Bren carriers. Thai resistance delayed the Punjabis until the following afternoon and they did not reach the town of Betong, only 5 miles inside the frontier, until the evening of December 9. It is not known why Moorhead did not immediately push on to the Ledge, but the delay proved fatal.

On the morning of December 10, Krohcol headed for the Ledge, 26 miles away. Japanese 42nd Regiment (Col. Tadao Ando) with 2 companies of light tanks, which had landed at Pattani at 0300, won the race, reaching the Ledge at midday. About 1400, while advancing through a ravine above the Pattani River and still a mile short of the Ledge Krohcol's advance A Company came under fire. Moorhead sent forward D Company along the road to support A Company, and C (Dogra) Company was sent over the thick jungle covered hill on the left flank. B (Sikh) Company covered the battalion’s right flank. Shortly afterwards Moorhead lost contact with all 3 lead companies. Later in the afternoon a runner reported that A Company was in a desperate battle against tanks and infantry with D Company in support. The battalion adjutant, Captain A.E. Charlton, brought forward the battalion’s anti-tank platoon. Sappers took the bridge apart by hand. When a tank rounded the bend it received a hot reception from the battalion's Boys Anti-Tank Rifles and retreated. But Japanese infantry had now occupied the road ahead. B and C Companies returned shortly before nightfall. By midnight 5/14 Punjab and 10th Mountain Battery transported by 2/3 Australian MT Company had arrived at Kroh. With no possibility of any further advance and now cut off from 2 of his companies, Moorhead with HQ Company and B Company remained at the bridge position with the sounds of heavy fighting carrying on throughout the night.

The situation on the morning of December 11 was that Moorhead held the bridge but had lost complete contact with A and D Companies. Havildar Manawar Khan and eight men returned with the news that A Company had been completely destroyed by tanks and infantry. The NCO reported that A Company had advanced 700 yards beyond the bridge when they had spotted coming from the Ledge position. Subadar Sher Khan deployed his company into the jungle east of the road and allowed the 2 leading tanks to pass. Once they had passed Khan ordered his men to charge the Japanese infantry. The Japanese retreated in disorder, leaving a number of casualties. A 2nd group of two tanks and infantry arrived soon after and ran over the wounded Subadar, killing him instantly. The rest of his company fought fiercely for the next half-hour, but caught on the open road they were eventually wiped out.

Col. Stokes’ 5/14th spent the morning preparing defensive positions at Kroh, whilst Stokes himself went forward to consult with Moorhead. Moorhead ordered Stokes to prepare a position 9 miles north of Betong to cover the battalion when it withdrew. Stokes left C Company at Kroh and moved forward with the rest of his battalion plus the mountain battery to the 9-mile post where they prepared new positions. At 11:00, Lt. Zarif Khan and D Company returned through the jungle, having hung on to their position until nightfall.

During the afternoon of December 11, the battalion was attacked 3 times, the final attack before night fall was of battalion strength along the entirety of the perimeter. Japanese infantry guns destroyed most of the Punjabi carriers, but were eventually put out of action by 2-inch mortars. With casualties mounting, Moorhead made up his mind to fall back to Betong, with permission from divisional HQ.

The battalion held its position throughout the night, but by dawn on the 12th it became evident that the Japanese were attempting to outflank the battalion from the east and south. Soon after at 7:00 the strongest Japanese attack began, supported by the outflanking forces to the east and south. Moorhead decided that he had to attempt to withdraw rapidly. The Sikh Company was able to extricate itself, but at the cost of 30 casualties whilst the Dogra Company soon found itself completely surrounded and tried to fight its way out. A handful of survivors reached D Company’s positions. Nearly outflanked and under heavy artillery fire, Krohcol began its retreat. Col. Moorhead, armed with a rifle, remained with the rearguard of 4 surviving Bren carriers. As they were just leaving 2 of the carriers were hit by shell fire. Moorhead jumped aboard another carrier, but not before rescuing a wounded Punjabi soldier.

Moorhead was forced to make a fighting retreat back to Betong throughout December 12, where they passed through 5/14 Punjab, which was digging in and preparing defenses. The 3/16th was reduced to around 350 officers and men. Japanese scouts found the 5/14 Punjabi’s position just after dark and probed the area throughout the night.

At first light on December 13 the Japanese attacked the position with light tanks and motorized infantry. One tank was destroyed and a number of frontal infantry attacks beaten off. With their usual speed the Japanese were soon pushing troops around the flanks. The 5/14th was forced to withdraw back to Kroh, which it did with relatively minor casualties. The Japanese released a prisoner from a local jail, an ex-bandit who knew the area well. Betong was re-occupied, and the force under Prayoon began taking punitive actions against the local Chinese, who were believed to have greeted Krohcol flying the Union Jack as well as the Kuomintang flag. A local Indian accused of volunteering his services (as a guide) to Krohcol was tracked down, cornered, and shot dead by a group of vengeful Thais.

One of the other columns, 200 truck-borne troops from the 1/8 Punjabis, and a section of the 273rd Anti-Tank Battery all under the command of Major E.R.Andrews, had crossed the Thai border at the same time as Krohcol. The column, named Laycol after Brigadier William Lay, commander of 6th Indian Infantry Brigade, moved towards Songkhla. It reached Ban Sadao, 10 miles north of the frontier at dusk, where it halted and took up a position north of the village. Laycol made contact with a Japanese mechanized column from the reconnaissance unit of Japanese 5th Division with a company of tanks. The force was led by the tanks and moved in close formation with full headlights blazing. The 2 leading tanks were knocked out, but the Japanese infantry started a movement around the flanks of the Punjabis. Laycol withdrew on December 11 through the outpost position at Kampong Imam, destroying 2 bridges and partially destroying a third on the way.

The last column was an armored train, with 30 men from the 2/16 Punjab Regiment and some engineers, advancing into Thailand from Padang Besar. This armored train reached Khlong Ngae, in southern Thailand, and successfully destroyed a 200-foot bridge before withdrawing back to Padang Besar.
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Old December 11th, 2018, 12:48 PM   #5563
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December 11, 1602
The Escalade

For years, the Dukes of Savoy coveted the wealth of the city-state of Geneva, not yet a member of the Swiss Confederation. When Charles Emmanuel I came to the throne of Savoy in 1580, he longed to make Geneva his capital north of the Alps and crush Protestantism. Pope Clement VIII offered encouragement; in 1602 he appointed as Catholic bishop of Geneva Francis de Sales, an effective preacher who had recently been successful in re-Catholicizing the Chablais district of Savoy on the south side of Lake Geneva.

On the night of December 11-12, 1602, the forces of the Duke of Savoy, under the command of the Seigneur d'Albigny, and those of Charles Emmanuel’s brother-in-law, Philip III of Spain, launched an attack on Geneva. The troops marched along the Arve River by night and assembled at Plainpalais, just outside the walls, at 2:00 AM. The original plan was to send in a group of “commandos” to open the city gate and let the other troops in. The Genevans detected the raiders and made effective use of cannon fire to prevent the attackers scaling the walls (escalade in French). The few who managed to get into the city were defeated in a brief street fight. The alarm was raised, the church bells were rung and the citizens were alerted. The night guard Isaac Mercier succeeded in cutting the rope holding up the portcullis, thus foiling the plan to open the main gate. The populace fought alongside their town militia and the duke’s 2000-plus mercenaries were defeated. The Genevans lost 18 men in the fighting; the Savoyards suffered 54 fatalities; 13 invaders who had been taken prisoner, including several well-born gentlemen, were summarily hanged the following day as brigands. Peace having been repeatedly sworn by Savoy, it was felt that they should not be treated as prisoners of war.

After the defeat (and after a retaliation campaign by Geneva against Savoy, known as the contre-Escalade, that failed to meet its objectives), the Duke of Savoy accepted a lasting peace, sealed by the Treaty of St. Julien of July 12, 1603.

The story of L'Escalade is told in a song called Cé qu'è l'aino, written in a Provencal dialect around 1603 by an unknown author. The song has become the “national” anthem of Geneva; while the complete version comprises 68 stanzas, only 4 of them are usually sung. The event is still celebrated in Geneva every December 11.
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Old December 12th, 2018, 12:25 PM   #5564
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December 12, 1915
Emperor Yuan

After Yuan Shikai was installed as the 2nd Provisional Great President of the Republic of China, he took various steps to consolidate his power and remove opposition leaders from office. Around August 1915, he instructed Yang Du to canvas support for a return of a monarchy. On December 11, 1915, an assembly unanimously elected him as Emperor. Yuan ceremonially declined, but “relented” and immediately agreed when the National Assembly petitioned again that day. On December 12, Yuan, supported by his son Yuan Keding, declared the Empire of China with himself as the “Great Emperor of the Chinese Empire”, taking the era name Hongxian (“Constitutional Abundance”). However, Yuan, now known as the Hongxian Emperor, delayed the accession rites until January 1, 1916. Soon after, the Hongxian Emperor started handing out titles of peerage to his closest relatives and friends, as well as those whom he thought he could buy with titles.

The Manchu, then living within the Forbidden City but as foreign monarchs rather than Chinese ones, “approved” the Hongxian Emperor’s accession, and even proposed a royal marriage of the emperor's daughter to Puyi.

On December 25, military leaders Cai E and Tang Jiyao of Yunnan province declared independence in the provincial capital, Kunming. They organized the National Protection Army and began an expedition against Yuan. Yuan Shikai sent 80,000 men in an attempt to attack Yunnan, but his troops suffered a major defeat in Sichuan province. Before this defeat, Guizhou and Guangxi provinces also proclaimed independence between February and March 1916. Guangdong, Shandong, Hunan, Shanxi, Jiangxi and Jiangsu followed suit and declared their independence shortly thereafter. Discord began to surface even inside Yuan’s government in Beijing.

The emperor's Beiyang generals, whose soldiers had not once received pay from the imperial government, did not mount an aggressive campaign against the National Protection Army and the Beiyang Army suffered numerous defeats despite being better trained and equipped than the National Protection Army.

Seeing the Emperor’s weakness and unpopularity, foreign powers withdrew their support (but did not choose sides in the war). Japan first threatened to invade, then committed to overthrowing the Hongxian Emperor and recognized both sides to be “in a state of war” and allowed Japanese citizens to help the Republicans. Faced with universal opposition, the emperor repeatedly delayed the accession rites to appease his foes. Funding for the ceremony was cut on March 1. Yuan deliberated abandoning the monarchy and did so on March 22. Yuan reigned a total of 83 days. He died soon after, on June 6. The National Protection War was proclaimed a success, with the provinces rescinding their declarations of independence. Vice President Li Yuanhong assumed the presidency, appointed Beiyang General Duan Qirui as his Premier and restored the National Assembly and the provisional Constitution.

The National Protection War symbolized the beginning of the split between North and South after the establishment of the Republic of China. Yuan was a legitimate president of the Republic, but his attempt to become Emperor was thwarted by the military opposition of the southern provinces. Even after the end of Yuan’s short-lived monarchy, the Beiyang government in Beijing was no longer able to maintain control over the military leaders of the southern provinces. After the death of Yuan, the government lost its leadership over these warlords and infighting among cliques within the government began in earnest. China’s Warlord Era would last for years until Chiang Kai-shek unified the country.
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Old December 12th, 2018, 12:25 PM   #5565
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298 BC
3rd Samnite War, Part 1

After the 2nd Samnite War (see posting), the Roman Republic continued to expand its power in central Italy. The Aequi were crushed in a short campaign in 304 BC. The neighboring tribes of the Abruzzi, the Marsi, Paeligni, Marrucini and the Frentani, concluded permanent treaties of alliance with Rome that same year and the Vestini in 302. Rome consolidated these gains by founding colonies. Hostilities with the Etruscans resumed in 302 and in 299 Rome captured the Umbrian town of Nequinum such that by the outbreak of the 3rd Samnite War in 298 the Romans were again fighting on multiple fronts. The 3rd Samnite War was the first attempt by the people of Italy to unite against Rome as the Samnites joined forces with the Etruscans, Umbrians and Gauls to the north.

In 298 the Romans elected as consuls Lucius Cornelius Scipio Barbatus and Cnaeus Fulvius Maximus Centumalus. The sarcophagus of the former has been preserved and is inscribed with an epitaph claiming that he captured Taurasia and Cisauna in Samnium, subdued all Lucania and brought back hostages. The inscription does not state in which year these events took place, but is most likely to refer to Scipio’s exploits during his consulship, the pinnacle of his political career.

According to Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus the war originated with a Samnite attack on the Lucanians. The Lucanians sent ambassadors and hostages to Rome to plead for an alliance. The Romans decided to accept the offer and sent envoys to insist the Samnites evacuate Lucania; they refused and the war began. If it was Scipio who negotiated the treaty with the Lucanians and received the hostages, the later claim that he “subdued” them is a natural embellishment. In Dionysius’ opinion the true cause of the war was not Roman compassion for the wronged, but fear of the strength the Samnites would gain if they subdued the Lucanians. Rome might well have deliberately sought a new war with Samnium by allying with her enemies.

Livy writes that the consuls of 298 divided the military commands between them, Scipio receiving Etruria and Fulvius Samnium. Scipio marched to Volaterrae where he fought an indecisive engagement with the Etruscans before retreating to Falerii where he set up camp and started ravaging the Etruscan countryside. Meanwhile, Fulvius is said to have won a battle against the Samnites at Bovianum and then attacked and captured first Bovianum and later Aufidena. For his victories Fulvius celebrated a triumph.

For 297 the Romans elected as consuls Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullianus (for the 4th time) and Publius Decius Mus (for the 3rd time). These two were among Rome’s most experienced commanders and had been consuls together in 308. Livy is the only source for the events of 297. He wrote that envoys from southern Etruria arrived with news that the Etruscan city-states were discussing suing for peace. This freed both consuls, who marched on Samnium, Quintus Fabius by way of Sora and Publius Decius through the land of the Sidicini. A Samnite army had prepared to confront them in a valley near Tifernum, but it was defeated by Fabius. Meanwhile, Decius had camped at Maleventum where an Apulian army would have joined the Samnites in the battle against Quintus Fabius had Publius not defeated it. The two consuls then spent 4 months ravaging Samnium. The appearance of an Apulian army at Maleventum is surprising since nothing is known of Apulian hostility to Rome since 312 BC. However the Apulians might have been divided in their alliance with Rome or have been provoked to war by the campaign of Barbatus the previous year.

The consuls for 296 were Appius Claudius Caecus and Lucius Volumnius Flamma Violens. The previous consuls were given a 6-month extension of their command as proconsuls to carry on the war in Samnium. Decius ravaged Samnium until he drove the Samnite army outside its territory. This army went to Etruria to back up previous calls for an alliance, which had been turned down, with intimidation and insisted on the Etruscan council being convened. The Samnites pointed out that they could not defeat Rome by themselves, but an army of all the Etruscans, backed up by the Samnite army could. Meanwhile, Publius Decius decided to switch from ravaging the countryside to attacking cities as the Samnite army was away. Back in Etruria Gellius Egnatius, a Samnite commander, was organizing a campaign against Rome. Almost all the Etruscan city-states voted for war, the nearest Umbrian tribes joined in and there were attempts to hire Gauls as auxiliaries. News of this reached Rome and Appius Claudius set off for Etruria with two legions and 15,000 allied troops. Lucius Volumnius had already left for Samnium with two legions and 12,000 allies.

Claudius suffered a number of setbacks and lost the confidence of his troops. Volumnius sent Quintus Fabius to suppress disturbances in Lucania, left the ravaging of rural Samnium to Decius and went to Etruria. Livy notes that some annalists said that Appius Claudius had written him a letter to summon him from Samnium and that this became a subject of dispute between the two consuls, with the former denying it and the latter insisting that he had been summoned by the former. A dispute between the 2 men ensued, but the soldiers insisted that both consuls fight in Etruria. The Etruscans faced Volumnius and the Samnites advanced on Claudius. Livy said that “the enemy could not withstand a force so much greater than they were accustomed to meet.” They were routed; 7900 were killed and 2010 were captured. Volumnius hurried back to Samnium because the proconsulships of Fabius and Decius were about to expire. Meanwhile, the Samnites raised new troops and raided Roman territories and allies in Campania. Volumnius headed for Campania and was informed that the Samnites had gone back to Samnium with their loot. He caught up and defeated a force which was unfit to fight due to the burden of their loot. The Samnite commander, Staius Minatius, was attacked by his prisoners and delivered to the consul.

There was news that, following the withdrawal of Volumnius’ army from Etruria, the Etruscans were arming themselves, had invited Gellius Egnatius’ Samnites and the Umbrians to join them in revolt, and had offered large sums of money to the Gauls. Then there were reports of an actual coalition between these 4 peoples. It was the first time that Rome had to confront such a coalition. This was becoming the biggest war Rome had ever faced and Fabius and Decius were elected as consuls again (for 295 BC). Volumnius’ command was prolonged for a year. It was decided that the consuls would both fight in Etruria. They set off with 4 legions, a large cavalry and 1000 Campanians. The allies fielded an even larger army. Lucius Volumnius went to Samnium with 2 legions. This latter force may have been part of a diversionary strategy to force the Samnites to respond to Roman raids in Samnium and limit their troop deployment in Etruria.
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Old December 12th, 2018, 12:25 PM   #5566
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298 BC
3rd Samnite War, Part 2

The Etruscans, Samnites and Umbrians crossed the Apennines and advanced near Sentinum. Their plan was for the Samnites and Gallic Senones to engage the Romans and for the Etruscans and Umbrians to take the Roman camp during the battle. Deserters from Clusium informed Quintus Fabius of this plan. The consul ordered the legions in Falerii and the Vatican to march to Clusium and ravage its territory for another diversion. It drew the Etruscans away to defend their land. In the Battle of Sentinum, the Gauls stood on the right wing and the Samnites on the left. Quintus Fabius stood on the Roman right and Publius Decius on the left. Livy said that the two forces were so evenly matched that if the Etruscans and Umbrians had been present it would have been a disaster for the Romans.

Fabius fought defensively to prolong the battle into a test of endurance. Decius fought more aggressively and ordered a cavalry attack, which drove back the Senone cavalry. They reached the enemy infantry, but suffered a chariot attack and were scattered. Decius’ infantry line was broken by the chariots and the Senone foot attacked. Decius decided to “devote” himself. This term referred to a military commander offering prayers to the gods and launching himself into the enemy lines, effectively sacrificing himself, when his troops were in dire straits. This galvanized the Roman left which was also joined by reserve contingents which Fabius had called in. On the right, Fabius told the cavalry to outflank the Samnite wing and ordered his infantry to push forward. He then called in the other reserves. The Samnites fled past the Senone line. The Senones formed a shieldwall. Fabius ordered 500 Campanian lancers to attack them in the rear. This was combined with push by the middle line of infantry and an attack by the cavalry. Meanwhile, Fabius took the Samnite camp by storm and cut off the Senones in the rear. The Gauls were defeated. The Romans lost 8700 men and their enemy 20,000.

Volumnius, meanwhile, routed a Samnite force near Mount Tifernus. After the battle, 5000 Samnites made their way back home from Sentinum through the land of the Paeligni. The locals attacked them and killed 1000 men. In Etruria, the propraetor Gnaeus Fulvius defeated the Etruscans. Perusia and Clusium lost up to 3,000 men. Quintus Fabius left Decius’ army to guard Etruria and went to Rome to celebrate a triumph. Appius Claudius was sent to head Publius Decius’ army as propraetor and Quintus Fabius confronted and defeated the Perusini. The Samnites attacked the areas around the River Liris (at Formiae and Vescia), and the River Volturnus. They were pursued by Claudius and Volumnius, who merged their forces and defeated the Samnites in the vicinity of Caiatia, near Capua.

In 294 BC the Samnites raided 3 Roman armies. The consul Marcus Atilius Regulus met the Samnites in a position where neither force could raid enemy territory. The Samnites attacked the Roman camp under the cover of fog, taking part and killing many men and several officers. The Romans managed to repel them but did not pursue because of the fog. The other consul, Lucius Postumius Megellus, who was recovering from illness, assembled an army of allies at Sora, where Roman foragers had been pushed back, and the Samnites retreated. Lucius Postumius went on to take Milionia and Feritrum, two unidentified Samnite towns.

Marcus Atilius marched on Luceria (in Apulia) and was defeated. The next day there was another battle. The Roman infantry began to flee, but was forced back into line by their cavalry. The Samnites did not press their advantage and were defeated. On his way back, Marcus Atilius defeated a Samnite force which was trying to seize Interamna, a Roman colony on the Liris. The other consul, Lucius Postumius, moved from Samnium to Etruria without consulting the senate. He ravaged the territory of Volsinii and defeated the townsfolk who had come out to defend it. Volsinii, Perusia and Arretium sued for peace and obtained a 40-year truce.

In 293 BC, fresh troops were levied throughout Samnium. 40,000 men met in Aquilonia. The consul Spurius Carvilius Maximus took the veteran legions which Marcus Atilius had left at Interamna Lirenas in the middle Liris valley and went on to seize Amiternum in Samnium. The other consul, Lucius Papirius Cursor, levied a new army and took Duronia by storm. The 2 consuls then went to meet the main Samnite forces. Spurius Carvilius went to Cominium and engaged in skirmishes. Lucius Papirius besieged Aquilonia. The consuls decided to attack both at the same time. Papirius was informed by a deserter that 20 contingents of 400 men each of Samnite elite forces which, in desperation, had been recruited under the lex sacrata (in which soldiers swore not to flee under pain of death) were heading for Cominium. He informed his colleague and then set out to intercept with part of his forces, defeating them. Meanwhile, the other part of his forces attacked Aquilonia. Pairius re-joined them and the city was taken. The Battle of Aquilonia “was the last great battle of the war, and it sealed the fate of the Samnites.”

With the Samnite armies destroyed, the consuls decided to storm towns. Meanwhile, the Etruscans attacked Roman allies and the Faliscans defected to them. With the winter coming and the snow falling, the Romans withdrew from Samnium. Papirius went to Rome for his triumph and then to Vescia (in Campania) to winter and to protect the locals from raids. Spurius went to Etruria. He seized Troilum (location unknown) and took 5 fortresses by storm. The Faliscans sued for peace and were fined heavily and granted a 1-year truce.

Livy’s narrative of the war ends here, with the end of Book 10. Books 11–20 have been lost. There is mention of the consul Quintus Fabius Maximus Gurges being defeated in Samnium and being spared recall and humiliation by the intervention of his father, Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullianus, who promised to help him as deputy. The 2 men defeated the Samnites and captured Gaius Pontius, the Samnite commander, who was paraded in the triumph and beheaded. Gurges had moved against the Caudini and according to Eutropius his army was nearly destroyed and lost 3000 men. This setback was probably an exaggeration because the next year Gurges was appointed proconsul.

In 291 BC Gurges, as proconsul, defeated the Pentri, the largest Samnite tribe, and took their stronghold of Cominium Ocritum. The consul Lucius Postimius Megellus operating from Apulia attacked the Hirpini tribe of the Samnites and seized their large town of Venusia. Because its location offered control over Lucania and Apulia as well as Samnium the Romans founded the largest colony they ever established. Details for 290 BC are scant, but the little surviving information suggests that the consuls Manius Curius Dentatus and Publius Cornelius Rufinus campaigned to mop up the last pockets of resistance throughout Samnium and according to Eutropius this involved some large scale fighting.

When the Samnite War ended, the Romans moved to crush the Sabines who lived on the mountains to the east of Rome. No reason is given for this campaign. It may be that the Sabines allowed Samnite armies to cross their territory in the late war. The Sabines were given citizenship without the right to vote (civitas sine suffragio), which meant that their territory was effectively annexed to the Roman Republic. Reate and Amiternum were given full Roman citizenship (civitas optimo iure) in 268 BC.

Rome also conquered the Praetutii. They lived to the east of the Sabines, on the Adriatic coast and were at odds with the Picentes, who were Roman allies. With these 2 conquests the Roman territory extended into the Apennines and a strip stretched to the Adriatic Sea. This, combined with the alliances struck after the 2nd Samnite War, gave Rome control of most of central Italy. The Samnites were forced to become allies of Rome which must have been on unequal terms. Rome offered a friendship treaty (foedus amicitiae) to those who allied voluntarily, but not to those who became allies as a result of defeat. The Lucanians retained their alliance with Rome. Rome became the great power of Italy and controlled a large portion of it.
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Old December 13th, 2018, 12:56 PM   #5567
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December 13, 1916
White Friday

The Austro-Hungarian Kaiserschützen military barracks was built on the Gran Poz summit (approximately 11,000 feet above sea level) of Mount Marmolada. The wooden barracks was built in August 1916, to house the men of the 1st Battalion of the Imperial Rifle Regiment Nr.III. The location of the barracks was planned to be well situated to protect it from Italian attack and provide a defense atop the contested Mount Marmolada. The barracks was placed along rock cliffs to protect it from direct enemy fire and the location was out of high-angle mortar range.

During the winter of 1916, heavy snowfall and a sudden thaw in the Alps created conditions ripe for avalanches. From the beginning of December, the snow pile up was recorded at 26-40 feet atop the summit. The Austro-Hungarian battalion commander, Captain Rudolf Schmid, noticed the imminent danger. Out of fear his position would soon be untenable, he wrote a request to his superior, Gen. Ludwig Goiginger of 60th Infantry Division, to vacate the base atop Gran Poz summit. The appeal was turned down. Starting on December 5, additional heavy snowfall disrupted telephone lines and left each outpost stranded and short of supplies.

On Wednesday, December 13, at 0530, over 200,000 tons (approx. 3.5 million cubic feet) of snow and ice plunged down the mountainside directly onto the barracks. The wooden buildings packed with soldiers, collapsed under the weight of the avalanche, crushing the occupants. Of the 321 troops present, 229 were mountain infantry and 102 were Bosnians from a support column. Only a few were pulled to safety while 270 were buried alive. Only 40 of the bodies were ever recovered. Among those who survived was Captain Schmid along with his aide, who escaped slightly injured. Although the disaster happened on a Wednesday, for some reason it became known as White Friday.

That night, an avalanche struck part of Italian 7th Alpini Division, overrunning their mountain barracks.

It has been said that opposing forces deliberately set off bombs, or fired artillery over columns of troops and transport to cause avalanches. These accounts are unlikely for several reasons. Alpini at the time discounted them. All “reports” of these deliberate avalanches seem to come from post-World War II studies about avalanches, not accounts of alpine warfare in the Great War. In truth there was little combat on the Alpine front in winter; just surviving nature was enough of a struggle. Deep snow severely limits movement of ski patrols, let alone regiments or batteries. Perhaps a patrol was caught too close to a front line gun and suffered a fate worse than shellfire, but in 1916 a mountain offensive in winter was logistically impossible. Hence, planned avalanche ambushes seem improbable.

As the heavy snow and high winds continued over the next week, incidents like the one at Marmolada happened with disturbing frequency. Entire regiments were lost in an instant. The bodies of some victims weren’t found until spring. The best estimate is that somewhere between 9000 and 10,000 soldiers on both sides were killed in December from avalanches. Altogether, this is the most deaths caused by snow/ice debris from avalanches in history. When including all avalanche-related deaths (this includes mud and rock slides triggered subsequently by an avalanche), White Friday is the second worst avalanche-related disaster recorded, after the 1970 Huascarán avalanche, in coastal Peru.

During the 3-year war in the Austro-Italian Alps at least 60,000 soldiers died in avalanches. (This conservative statistic comes from the research of Heinz von Lichem, in his 3-volume study Gebirgskrieg 1915-1918.) To put these casualties in perspective, a total of 25,000 troops were killed by poison gas on the Western front. Gas killed an additional 7000 men on the Austro-Italian front, the greater part on the plain and plateau between the Isonzo and Piave rivers. (Gas is not very effective in the cold windy atmosphere of mountains.)
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Old December 13th, 2018, 01:14 PM   #5568
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Is there anyone of the British volunteers of Croatian War for Independence 1991-1995/98...? Would be interesting to hear a word or two from them...


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https://hrvatski-vojnik.hr/we-were-s...croatian-army/


http://www.croatia.org/crown/article...1991-1995.html
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Old December 14th, 2018, 01:18 PM   #5569
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December 14, 1998
Albanian Border Ambush

In 1996, a ragtag group of Albanian nationalists calling themselves the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) began attacking the Yugoslav Army (VJ) and the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs (MUP) in Kosovo. Their goal was to separate the province from the rest of Yugoslavia, now only a rump federation made up of Serbia and Montenegro. At first the KLA carried out hit-and-run attacks: 31 in 1996, 55 in 1997, and 66 in January and February 1998 alone. The group quickly gained popularity among young Kosovar Albanians, many of whom rejected the non-violent resistance of politician Ibrahim Rugova. It received a significant boost in 1997 when civil unrest in neighboring Albania led to thousands of weapons from Albanian Army depots being looted. Many of these weapons ended up in the hands of the KLA, which already had substantial resources due to its involvement in the trafficking of drugs, weapons and people, as well as through donations from the Albanian diaspora. The group’s popularity skyrocketed after the VJ and MUP attacked the compound of KLA leader Adem Jashari in March 1998, killing him, his closest associates and most of his extended family. The attack motivated thousands of young Kosovars to join the KLA, fueling the uprising that eventually erupted in the spring of 1998.

The conflict escalated over the summer, and the KLA increasingly took to smuggling weapons and supplies from Albania across the border. In September, Yugoslav officials stated that 90 militants had been killed while attempting to illegally cross the border since January.

In October 1998, Slobodan Milosevic and US envoy Richard Holbrooke reached an agreement to temporarily end the fighting; Yugoslavia would halve the number of troops and police stationed in Kosovo. The agreement came after Holbrooke convinced the KLA to consider negotiations with Belgrade, while making it clear to Milosevic that failing to find a peaceful solution would lead to a NATO bombing campaign against Serbia. The agreement required Yugoslavia to let Kosovo Verification Mission (KVM) observers enter Kosovo to ensure that the Yugoslavs were abiding by their commitment. Small-scale clashes continued, and by December, over 1000 people had been killed and more than 300,000 displaced in the fighting.

At around 0200 on the morning of December 14, 1998, 140 KLA militants tried to illegally cross the Albanian-Yugoslav border between the outposts of Gorozup and Liken, 43 miles west of Pristina. They were coming from a base inside Albania, where they had been training. The subsequent ambush occurred near the village of Kusnin, just west of Prizren. The militants had been trying to illegally smuggle weapons, ammunition and supplies to be used by KLA fighters in Kosovo. A member of the KVM told reporters that the militants encountered a Yugoslav sentry post and were attacked by the guards. One of the militants was killed instantly and the column started retreating. As the militants turned back they were ambushed and another 25 killed. The bodies of 5 other militants were soon discovered not far from the site of the ambush. Fighting between the militants and border guards continued for about 5 hours. By 0700, a total of 36 militants had been killed, 12 were wounded and a further 9 were captured. The remaining militants either managed to flee back to Albania or went into hiding along the border, according to a KVM monitor. The Yugoslavs reported no casualties, and stated that large quantities of “modern weapons”, ammunition and supplies had been seized.

The VJ allowed a team of KVM observers to view the bodies, and photograph and record the names of the prisoners. Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) observers were also escorted to the site, and reported seeing 31 bodies in camouflage uniforms with KLA insignia. A KVM monitor told reporters: “Our initial feelings are that this was a normal military operation ... not a set-up.” The reported figure of 36 dead made the ambush the single deadliest war-related incident in Kosovo since the truce took effect 2 months before.

Within hours, the KLA vowed revenge. That evening, suspected KLA gunmen entered a Serb-owned café in Peć and opened fire on the patrons, killing 6 Serb youths. Western diplomats suspected that the attack was carried out in retribution for the ambush. The KLA denied responsibility; journalist Tim Judah suggests that the attack may have been carried out by a rogue unit. The shooting appalled foreign emissaries, and at a meeting with Milosevic the following day, Holbrooke condemned it as an act of terrorism and described the situation in Kosovo as “very grave”.

The VJ continued pursuing remnants of the rebel group for most of December 15, and foreign reporters noted shelling near the site of the ambush through much of the day. After mediation by the International Committee of the Red Cross, Yugoslav authorities handed the bodies of 33 militants over to the KLA for burial. The militants were given heroes’ funerals in the rebel-held village of Poljance, 38 miles northwest of Pristina. The funerals were attended by several thousand Albanians, including about 500 militants.
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Old December 15th, 2018, 12:14 PM   #5570
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December 15, 1935
Battle of DembeguinaPass

On October 3, 1935, Italian Gen. Emilio De Bono invaded Ethiopia. De Bono’s advance continued methodically, deliberately, and, to the consternation of Benito Mussolini, slowly. On November 8, I Corps and the Eritrean Corps captured Makale. This proved to be the limit of how far the Italians would progress under de Bono. Increasing pressure from the rest of the world on Mussolini caused him to need quick victories, and he was not prepared to hear of obstacles or delays from de Bono. On November 16, de Bono was promoted to the rank of Marshal; however, in December he was replaced by Marshal Pietro Badoglio on the northern front.

On November 30, Haile Selassie moved his field headquarters to Dessie. From there, he decided to test this new Italian commander with an offensive of his own. Haile Selassie’s test was launched on December 15 and became known as the Ethiopian “Christmas Offensive.” Ras Seyoum Mangasha held the area around Abbi Addi with the Army of Tigre (30,000 men). On December 5, Abbi Addi had fallen to the Italians and, on 22 December, Ras Seyoum took it back. Ras Imru Haile Selassie with the Army of Gojjam (40,000 men) advanced from Gojjam toward Mai Timket to the left of Ras Seyoum. In a push towards Warieu Pass, Ras Kassa Haile Darge with the Army of Begemder (40,000 men) advanced from Gondar to support Ras Seyoum in the center. Ras Mulugeta Yeggazu, Minister of War, advanced from Dessie with the Central Army (80,000 men) to take positions on and around Amba Aradam to the right of Ras Seyoum. Amba Aradam was a steep sided, flat topped mountain directly in the way of an Italian advance on Addis Ababa. The four commanders had approximately 190,000 men facing 125,000 Italians and Eritreans.

The ambitious Ethiopian plan called for Ras Kassa and Ras Seyoum to split the Italian army and isolate Italian I Corps in Makale. Ras Mulugeta would then descend from Amba Aradam and crush both corps. After Ras Imru retook Adwa, he was to invade Eritrea.

On December 15, Ras Imru’s advance guard crossed the Tekezé River by the fords at Mai Timkat and Addi Atcheb, under the command of Fitawrari Ayalew Birru. As a column of 1000 Ethiopians advanced towards Dembeguina Pass, it was blocked by a force of 1000 Eritreans at Mai Timkat under Major Criniti. Criniti’s command was a forward observation post and he determined to withdraw upon the arrival of the Ethiopians. Under the cover of nine L3 tankettes, Criniti made for Dembeguina Pass. When Criniti and his force got there, they found that it was already held by another group of 2000 Ethiopians. The Ethiopians formed up in a horseshoe formation on the surrounding crests and Criniti, on horseback, ordered his tankettes to smash through them with his infantry close behind. The L3s moved towards the Ethiopians but the rough terrain soon made further progress impossible. Criniti was wounded and 2 of his officers killed. The Ethiopians then counterattacked and the Eritreans rallied around the stranded tankettes. The 1000 Ethiopians behind Criniti joined the battle and Criniti's command came under fire from all directions. The Ethiopians surged forward, slaughtered the Eritrean infantry, and engulfed the L3s. Some Ethiopians were able to approach the tankettes from the rear and were then able to disable the tracks and machine guns, and kill the 2-man crews.

Criniti radioed for more tanks. A relief column, including another 10 tankettes, was sent immediately. However, the relief column was ambushed before it could arrive. The Ethiopians immobilized several of the tankettes by rolling boulders onto the road in front and behind them. Once again, the infantry was picked off followed by the stranded tanks. Other tankettes attempted to bypass the roadblock only to slip down steep roadside embankments and overturn. Criniti ultimately ordered his surrounded Eritreans to fix bayonets and charge their front. The Eritreans created a breach and were able to escape, though at the cost of half their strength.

Ras Imru and Fitawrari Ayalew Birru then moved their forces in large numbers across the Tekezé River into Tigre Province. Morale among the Ethiopians was very high, and Ras Imru was pleased to have captured 50 machine guns and the town of Enda Selassie. They moved to positions along Shire Ridge, about 12 miles from Axum. From here, Ras Imru contemplated an attack on the Axum-Adowa area.

The other Ethiopian armies had made progress as well. Ras Kassa advanced to Abbi Addi and joined up with Ras Seyoum in the center. On the right, Ras Mulugeta and the Central Army were advancing directly towards the Italian positions at Makale. The Italians were forced to fall back from the Tekezé to Axum and from Amba Tzellene to the Warieu Pass.

The Christmas Offensive marked a time that informed circles in Italy termed the “Black Period” of the war. Badoglio’s inability to get the Italians back on the offensive immediately caused Mussolini to fly into a rage, and he threatened to replace Badoglio with Rodolfo Graziani. On December 18, millions of Italians participated in what was known as the Harvest of Gold. To raise money for the war and as a pledge of faith to the Fascist regime, they handed over their wedding rings. In exchange for bands made of gold, they were given rings made of steel, with even the Queen participating in the pledge.

The Ethiopian offensive was ultimately stopped due to the Italian forces’ superior modern weapons. More importantly, on December 26, Badoglio asked for and was given permission to use chemical warfare agents such as mustard gas. On December 30, Haile Selassie formally filed a complaint with the League of Nations. He claimed that Italy’s use of poison gas was yet another addition to the long list of international agreements contravened by Italy. In response, the Italians denied that poison gas was being used and, instead, decried the use of dum dum bullets and the misuse of the Red Cross by the Ethiopians.

In addition to being granted permission to use poison gas, Badoglio received additional ground forces; elements of Italian III and IV Corps arrived in Eritrea during early 1936. On January 20, the beginning of the inconclusive 1st Battle of Tembien marked the end of the Ethiopian Christmas Offensive and also marked a shift of the initiative back to the Italians.
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