The Military History Thread

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March 23, 1951
Battle of Mao Khe

After suffering a heavy defeat at the battle of Vĩnh Yen (see posting), Viet Minh commander Vo Nguyen Giap decided to attack the port of Haiphong, the main center of French logistics. Giap’s plan was to break down the French defenses at Mao Khe, a village about 18 miles north of the port. He hoped that 316th Division, uncommitted at Vinh Yen and thus still fresh, would make quick work of the defenders. 304th and 320th Divisions would help with diversionary attacks. About 11,000 troops would be directly involved.

Mao Khe was weakly defended. Surrounded by a series of outposts, the city itself was held by a platoon of Moroccan colonial infantry. The Mao Khe coal mine was 1000 yards north of the village and was garrisoned by units of the Vietnamese National Army (ANV), commanded by a Vietnamese lieutenant and 3 French NCOs. Further east, a company of the 30th Senegalese Battalion was guarding a fortified church. In total, the French forces amounted to less than 400 men.

The diversionary attacks began during the day on March 23, with the main assault on Mao Khe’s outposts beginning after dark. The defense was determined and Viet Minh losses heavy. Nevertheless, by late on the 26th, most of the outposts had been evacuated under heavy pressure, and Giap was preparing his main attack on the town. By now, however, he had to contend with fire from 3 French frigates, which had reached the area via a deep channel near the Da Bac River.

Gen. de Lattre was uncertain of Giap’s intentions, but sent the 6th Marine Parachute Regiment and several artillery batteries to aid the defense of Mao Khe. Early in morning of March 27, the 209th Regiment of Vietminh 312th Division launched an assault on the coal mine, whose defenders resisted long enough for French B-26s and Hellcats to inflict heavy loss. After exhausting their ammunition, the defenders pulled back to Mao Khe village.

At 2 AM on the 28th, the Viet Minh began a mortar bombardment of the village. 36th Regiment of 308th Division put in a number of serious assaults, which were battered by the French artillery. The attacks penetrated into the village, but the momentum of the assault had worn down and the Viet Minh were eventually compelled to withdraw.

French losses were 40 dead and 150 wounded. The Viet Minh reported 134 dead, 426 wounded and 26 missing, but French estimates put their casualties close to 3000. Giap prepared to make one more effort to break into the Red River delta.

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March 24, 1938
Battle of Taierzhuang

In January 1938, the Japanese pursued the Chinese army retreating from the Shanghai-Nanjing theater, driving northwards into the provinces of Jiangsu, Shandong and Henan. These were the area of operations of Chinese 5th War Area, under Li Zongren. The Japanese planned to fight through the Jinpu Railway from the north and south, regrouping at Xuzhou. From there, they would attack Wuhan and force the KMT into surrender. Due to their early successes in China, the Japanese were perhaps overconfident

But unexpectedly, from January to March, 13th Division met stiff resistance during its attack along the southern section of the railway. As a result, it was unable to launch the planned pincer attack on Xuzhou with the Isogai Division (10th Division).

In the northeast, the Itagaki Division (5th Division) was also advancing towards Xuzhou. However, it was halted at Linyi by the KMT Northwestern Army. Although insufficiently trained and not very well equipped, the Chinese troops inflicted heavy casualties and the Japanese retreated. This engagement not only broke the myth of Japanese invincibility but also humiliated Japanese commander Seishiro Itagaki. Even the Tokyo headquarters was shocked. Although 5th Division tried again, it had already lost the element of surprise. As a result, the Chinese victory at Linyi would later have a big impact on the battle in Taierzhuang.

Of the 3 Japanese divisions attacking 5th War Area, the Isogai Division (10th Division) was the most successful. This division came from Hebei, crossing the Yellow River and moving south along the Jinpu Railway, moving into Jinan without serious resistance. At Taian, the Chinese mounted a stand, but Japanese material superiority offset the disparity in numbers and step by step the Chinese were forced back and by mid-March 10th Division had fought its way to Yixuan.

By this time, Sun Lianzhong and Tang Enbo arrived with reinforcements. Sun’s 2nd Group Army had taken heavy casualties during the defense of Niangzi Pass in 1937 and had not recovered yet. As a result, its actual strength was only three divisions. On the other hand, Tang brought 4 full-strength divisions. All of these were organized according to the German model and had German advisors. As soon as Tang’s troops reached the front, they began engaging the Japanese north of the Taierzhuang area. However, Li Zongren thought that there was too big of a risk losing the Central Army’s elite divisions. His plan was to open up a route for the Japanese to drive south into Taierzhuang. Then, Tang Enbo could drive around the rear of the Japanese to encircle them.

On the Japanese side, 10th Division was not supposed to drive deep into enemy territory alone and attack Taierzhuang. It was supposed to have waited for 13th Division to close in on Xuzhou and 5th Division to pass Linyi for additional safety. However, Isogai was confident enough that he had the strength to carry through the attack on his own. His plan was to take Taierzhuang in a single swift blow to complete the objective of clearing the Jinpu Railway.

Tang ordered Chi Fengcheng to send out a small force to lure the Japanese into Taierzhuang. This was successful. Isogai deployed 40,000 troops and around 80 tanks to attack Taierzhuang from the north. Japanese aircraft began attacking the Chinese positions on March 21, with artillery joining in on the 24th.

The Japanese ground attack opened on March 24. Overconfidence led the Japanese commanders to overlook the thousands of inconspicuous “farmers” in the area, who were affiliated with Li Zongren and cut communication lines and supplies, diverted streams, and ruined rail lines. By late March, supplies and fuel were being dropped from aircraft to Japanese troops, but the quantities were insufficient. On March 29, a small band of Japanese soldiers tunneled under Taierzhuang’s walls in an attempt to take the city from within. They were caught by the defenders and killed. Over the next week, both sides claimed to hold parts of the city and surrounding area. Finally, the Japanese attacked frontally.

During this battle, the Chinese forces attacked into the Japanese rear, completing the encirclement on April 6. Initial Japanese efforts to fight their way out were repulsed and losses were heavy on both sides. They finally fought their way through to the north, but with severe losses and large quantities of equipment left behind.

Chinese casualties were about 20,000. They claimed 24,000 Japanese killed; the Japanese put their losses at 11,198. The Chinese captured 31 artillery pieces, 11 armored cars, 8 tanks, 1000 machine guns and 10,000 rifles.

This first major defeat for the Japanese Army bolstered Chinese morale, but had no real lasting effects. There was no Chinese pursuit; the Chinese generals tended to think defensively. The battle did convince many Japanese leaders that there would be no quick victory in China.

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1628
War of the Mantuan Succession

Mantua was ruled by the male line of the Gonzaga dynasty, first as marquesses, then after 1540 as dukes, in vassalage to the Holy Roman Empire. Monferrat was a duchy since 1574 on the eastern side of Piedmont, and an Imperial fief since the 11th or 12th century. The Gonzagas had enlarged their realm with Monferrat after receiving it in dowry from the wife of duke Frederick II Gonzaga.

On September 22, 1612, Francis IV, Duke of Mantua and Monferrat died at the age of 26. His death occurred only a couple of months after the death of his father Vincent I, Duke of Mantua. He left only a 3-year-old daughter, Maria. He also had 2 younger brothers who, both being cardinals, could not marry and were thus ineligible to succeed. Nonetheless, the brothers, Ferdinando I (r. 1612-26) and Vincenzo II (r. 1626-27), did become Dukes of Mantua. Despite marrying, following the resignation of Ferdinando and the expulsion of Vincenzo from the College of Cardinals, neither produced any legitimate children. A crisis erupted when Vincenzo II died on December 26, 1627, the same day that his niece Maria’s marriage with Charles de Nevers was celebrated. Nevers was the eldest son and heir of Charles, Duke of Nevers, Rethel and Mayenne. Moreover, he was the head of the cadet branch of the House of Gonzaga, and after Vincenzo II, male heir male of the Duchy of Mantua. For the French Crown, Nevers, a French peer, would naturally be an asset as ruler in Mantua. Nevers arrived in January 1628 and was proclaimed its sovereign.

There were two rival claimants. One was Charles Emmanuel, Duke of Savoy, whose daughter Margaret was the widow of Francis IV. Although their son had died an infant in 1612, it was their elder daughter Maria who had married Nevers in 1627. Charles Emmanuel based his right to Mantua on his daughter’s claim to a substantial portion of the Gonzaga realm, the duchy of Montferrat, which was heritable by females since the Gonzagas had acquired it through marriage to Margherita Paleologa in 1540. The other claimant was Ferrante II, Duke of Guastalla, a distant Gonzaga cousin who voiced his claim but did not immediately put troops in the field. He was, however, supported by Emperor Ferdinand II, whose wife Eleanor had been the sister of the last 3 Dukes of Mantua. He sought to re-attach the Duchy of Mantua to the Holy Roman Empire; Ferrante being in the Imperial-Spanish camp, was a useful tool to that purpose.

But as the Thirty Years’ War wore on, it affected dynastic alliances. Charles Emmanuel obtained support from the Habsburgs, who controlled Milan. The resulting French-Habsburg war over the succession was just one of the many theaters of the Thirty Years' War.

The initial attempt of Don Gonzalo Fernandez de Córdoba, Spanish governor of Milan, and Charles Emmanuel was to partition the Mantuan-Montferrat patrimony, which lay east and west of Milan. The Spanish minister supported the Guastalla claimant, as the weaker of 2 neighbors, and the Savoy claimant in Montferrat, the lesser of the territories. Friction between the confederates ensued, when Charles Emmanuel moved his troops into more territory than had been agreed upon, laying siege to the town of Casale, capital of Montferrat.

The French, although Louis XIII and Cardinal Richelieu were concerned at home with Huguenot uprisings, sent forces to relieve Casale. The French crossed the Alps in March 1629, forced Susa in Piedmont, on March 6, relieved Casale on March 18 and took the fortress of Pinerolo on March 30, 1630. In the meantime the short-lived Treaty of Susa was signed with the Duke of Savoy in April 1629, whereupon they returned to France, leaving behind a small garrison. The papal envoy in negotiations at Casale was Jules Mazarin.

Emperor Ferdinand II’s forces under Ramboldo, Count of Collalto invaded the Grisons and Valtelline in 1629. The following winter, Milan was devastated by the bubonic plague introduced by the armies. Later in 1629, Ferdinand sent an army to besiege Mantua. Charles was left without the promised support from Louis XIII. The siege lasted until July 1630, when the city, already struck by plague, was brutally put to the sack for 3 days. But the Emperor did not succeed in Mantua. Due to developments in Germany, where the Swedes had landed, he was forced to return his attention to the principal theater of the war.

The Treaty of Regensburg ended the French-Hapsburg war. The accord was signed on October 13, 1630, and provided favorable terms for French interests in Italy. Specifically, the French were allowed to maintain their garrison in Grisons. The accord also confirmed Charles Gonzaga-Nevers as Duke of Mantua and Marquess of Montferrat in exchange for minor concessions to Charles Emmanuel of Savoy and Ferrante of Guastalla. The Habsburgs would reduce their troops in the region. The treaty was seen as so unfavorable to the Spanish that the Spanish prime minister, Count Olivares, considered it no different than a surrender. The treaty, however, contained a troublesome clause. It included an agreement whereby the French were not permitted to establish alliances in Germany against a reigning Holy Roman Emperor. This should have sidelined France in the ongoing conflict. Louis XIII refused to accept this, and the Austrians found themselves still at war, yet with diminished forces in the area. The new forces sent south of the Alps were to be sorely missed when Swedish forces under Gustavus II Adolphus invaded from the north.

The Italian peace was eventually made with the Treaty of Cherasco, on June 29, 1631. France renounced its conquests in Italy. Charles Gonzaga-Nevers was confirmed as ruler in Mantua and Montferrat, with concessions to the other claimants: Vittorio Amedeo, who succeeded in Savoy after the sudden death of his father, gained Trino and Alba in Montferrat; while Cesare II of Guastalla, Ferrante’s son, was given Luzzara and Reggiolo. Later it was discovered that by a secret treaty with Vittorio Amedeo, Pinerolo was surrendered to France.

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March 25, 1944
Hube’s Pocket

Throughout the winter of 1943-1944 STAVKA maintained a relentless pace, consistently ordering sequential Soviet offensives that never allowed the Germans to effectively regroup and build up reserves. In the late winter and early spring of 1944 the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th Ukrainian Fronts launched a massive series of offensives that would run along the breadth of the German defensive line south of the Pripet Marshes all the way to the Black Sea. In spite of the poor offensive conditions, stemming from continued snowfall followed by thaws producing mud and rain, the Soviet high command sought to deny the Germans any respite. These offensives featured the Red Army's primary striking power with each of the Red Army’s 6 Tank Armies assigned to the Fronts attacking the German armies in Ukraine. In addition, STAVKA planned to retake the Crimea from the German 17th Army; isolated from the main body of Army Group South by a Soviet offensive earlier during the winter.

The Soviet campaign commenced on March 4, 1944, with the 1st Ukrainian Front’s assault, as the Red Army enjoyed an overall 2:1 superiority in both men and tanks over the thinly spread German armies in Ukraine with even greater advantages at the assigned breakthrough sectors. Zhukov’s 1st Ukrainian Front, including 4th Tank and 3rd Guards Tank Armies, unhinged the German defensive front between the 4th and 1st Panzer Army. Though struggling at times against fierce resistance, Zhukov’s forces penetrated deep into the German rear by flowing past the strongest parts of the German defenses. Notable among the German defensive positions was the city of Tarnapol - which Hitler had declared a “fortress city” and whose defenders had not only blocked Zhukov’s initial attacks but had launched an aggressive counterattack that slowed, but could not stop, Zhukov’s advance. Temporarily bypassing Tarnapol, Zhukov’s spearheads cut not only supply lines crucial to 1st Panzer Army but also blew a massive whole between 1st Panzer Army and 4th Panzer Army to its north. Konev’s 2nd Ukrainian Front, including 5th Guards Tank and 2nd and 6th Tank Armies, likewise leveraged 1st Panzer Army away from the 8th Army to its south.

With the Soviet advance along the southern flank near the Dniester, and the recent Soviet attacks to the north and west and now southwest, 1st Panzer Army (Hans-Valentin Hube) was confined to a salient with a supply line that was tenuous. Army Group South commander Erich von Manstein requested that the position be withdrawn to avoid encirclement, but Hitler refused, persisting with his “no retreat” orders. Hube ordered all non-combat personnel out of the salient along the last remaining open roadway. Seeing this movement to the south Zhukov concluded that Hube was in full retreat. In a matter of days, Zhukov and Konev's forces had crossed the Dniester and were in position to complete the encirclement.

On March 25, 1st and 4th Tank Armies from the 1st Ukrainian Front met the 40th Army from Konev’s Front and completed the encirclement of 1st Panzer Army near the city of Kamenets-Podolsky; all told 200,000 men in approximately 20 divisions representing the strongest German army in the Ukraine. In spite of its imposing appearance on paper 1st Panzer Army was less than the formidable force it seemed. Although there was food and ammunition enough for 2 weeks, fuel was low. Many of its actual panzer divisions were horribly understrength and had been worn down severely by the near constant combat throughout the first months of 1944. In addition, 6 Soviet armies had surrounded it. Even worse for the Germans, the nearest army even remotely capable of assisting, 4th Panzer Army, was far too weak to provide much help. Hube now ordered the pocket to be reduced in size, shortening his lines. With the loss of the entire Panzer Army in the balance, Hitler finally gave in and ordered Hube to attempt a breakout. Zhukov sent a terse ultimatum: Surrender, or every German soldier in the pocket would be shot.

Moving west would mean fighting through the Soviet armored forces that created the breach and crossing a number of rivers. Hube preferred to head south, over the Dniester. Manstein believed that this is what the Soviet command expected, and would be the most heavily held route. Also, such a move would push the 1st Panzer Army into Romania, making defending the southern Ukraine sector quite difficult. Hungarian VII Corps was holding a sector of the front to the west of the Manstein ordered Hube to break out to this area.

Hube consolidated his forces into provisional corps groups. Each group, within its zone, was to be responsible for both the conduct of the attack west and the rear guard action in the east. The armored divisions were to spearhead the attack, while the infantry divisions covered the rear. The northern column was under command of Kurt von der Chevallerie and the south column under Hermann Breith. A third corps under Hans Gollnick of the XLVI Panzer Corps formed Korpsgruppe Gollnick.

On March 27, the advance guard of 1st Panzer Army moved west toward the Zbruch River, while the rearguard began a fighting withdrawal. The northern column quickly captured 3 bridges over the Zbruch, while the southern column was battered by a 4th Tank Army counterattack which penetrated deep into the pocket, capturing Kamianets-Podilskyi. The loss of this major road and rail hub meant that the escaping Germans had to detour around the city, slowing the movement to a crawl. A counterattack soon cut off the Russians in the city, and the breakout recommenced. Soon bridgeheads were formed over the Seret River.

While Hube escaped west, Zhukov and Konev continued to believe that the major breakout attempt would be to the south. Zhukov ordered the attacks on the north and eastern flanks of the pocket stepped up. These achieved little, and many fell on positions which had been abandoned. Despite the attacks to the west, the Red Army kept increasing troop density to the southern flank of the pocket in anticipation of an attack that would never come.

On March 30, Manstein was informed by the OKH that he had been relieved of command. The next day, the Red Army finally began to react. A strong force from 4th Tank Army launched an assault in the north between the Seret and Zbruch. Hube’s southern advance guard turned and halted the assault, severing its supply lines. Despite the fact that he was now taking the breakout attempt seriously, Zhukov did not move to block the escaping Germans. The way to Tarnopol was still open.

Despite heavy snowfall, low supplies, and encirclement, the constant movement of Hube’s Army meant that “pocket fever” did not set in. The troops were still moving in good order and obeying discipline, while desertions were almost non-existent. This was a stark comparison to the panicked situation within the Stalingrad and Korsun encirclements. By April 5, the advance guards of both the northern and southern columns had reached the Strypa River, and on the 6th, near the town of Buczacz, they linked up with the probing reconnaissance elements of Hausser’s II SS Panzer Corps.

In over two weeks of heavy combat, during horrid weather and with few supplies, 1st Panzer Army had managed to escape encirclement while suffering only moderate casualties. The Army was put back into the line and established itself between the Dniester and the town of Brody. The quick thinking of Manstein and Hube meant that 1st Panzer Army had lost only 14,242 men of its 220,000. Soviet losses were about 50,000 men and 400 AFVs. However, only 45 German armored vehicles escaped. Despite the escape and low casualty rate, 1st Panzer Army was no longer able to perform large scale offensive operations and required thorough refitting.

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March 26, 1918
Battle of Khan Baghdadi

15th Indian Division (Maj. Gen. H. T. Brokking) had been at Ramadi since its capture of the town in September 1917 (see posting). On March 9, 1918, it advanced and occupied the town of Hit in a bloodless victory, the Ottoman forces evacuating without a shot being fired and withdrawing to Khan Baghdadi. Their commander, Subri Bey, was dismissed for not attempting to resist, so his successor, Nazim Bey, could be expected to make a stand at here.

If an attack here was successful, the loser would withdraw along the line of the Euphrates to prepared positions further back. Securing a proper victory was difficult. In an attempt to break with the usual pattern, 15th Indian Division was supplied with 300 Ford trucks, armored cars of 8th Light Armored Motor Battery (LAMB), and 11th Cavalry Brigade. To capitalize on the increased mobility available to the British, and their improving skill in using it, Brooking broke his command into four columns. A mobile blocking force under Brig. Cassels was assembled using divisional infantry in the trucks, the armored cars, the cavalry brigade, and one of the divisional artillery batteries equipped with double the usual number of horses. This mobile force was then sent on a wide flanking march around Khan Baghdadi, and dug in behind the Ottoman positions. Orders were given to move at night and hide during the day. The RFC was ordered to keep away from the area to avoid arousing suspicion.

On March 26, the remainder of the division began a frontal attack. 50th Brigade charged and captured the Turkish first-line trenches and waited while 42nd Brigade came up before assaulting the second-line trenches. Turkish resistance held up their attack until 1300 hours. Meanwhile, the 11th Cavalry Brigade made its flanking movement, getting behind the Turkish positions and cutting off their retreat. To facilitate the move, they traveled with the minimum equipment per horse: arms, a tin of bully beef, a few biscuits, a bandolier, the canvas water bag and one blanket. Everything else was left behind. At 1105 hours, Brooking informed Cassels, by wireless, that the Turks showed no inclination to retire. The motorized troops were offered, but Cassels declined them, as the off-road terrain was barely passable for wheeled vehicles.

The first retreating troops which fell to the cavalry were seen just before last light. The prisoners indicated that the remainder of Turkish 50th Division were now withdrawing. In the dark, the division withdrew into the rifles of the waiting cavalry. The survivors of the initial fusillade tried to bypass the cavalry only to run into the waiting LAMB. 1000 Turks were captured by the infantry and a further 1000 when they ran into the British cavalry.

The LAMB continued along the Aleppo road, and a further 2000 surrendered to them the following dawn. Haditha, 35 miles beyond Khan Baghdadi, was captured. From positions overlooking the town, the garrison could be seen in full retreat. Caves had been used for storage, and these had been set alight. Attempts were made to rescue munitions, medical supplies and papers from the blaze. Ammunition which had been captured at Gallipoli was recovered and returned to its rightful owner, but more important were any papers which identified which of the local Arabs were trustworthy and which had been betraying the British. Incriminating papers were found later, which linked a German agent with instigating the murder of the British political officer in Najaf. There were also letters of thanks from various sheikhs to the Kaiser for the Iron Crosses which they had been awarded. The LAMB continued the pursuit another 35 miles until they captured Nazim Bey, and large numbers of German officers in the town of Ana. The RFC added to the rout while the local Arabs hovered on the flanks until night, when they could start to loot.

The victory cost 159 British casualties. The Turkish defeat at Khan Baghdadi, with the loss of 5000 men and material which had been carefully built up over the summer months, ended Turkish options along the Euphrates and was the last major action on the Mesopotamian front.

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March 27, 1943
Battle of Komandorski Islands

When American intelligence became aware of Japanese plans to send a supply convoy to their forces on the Aleutian Islands of Alaska, US Navy ships commanded by Rear Adm. Charles McMorris were sent to intercept. The squadron consisted of the heavy cruiser Salt Lake City, the light cruiser Richmond and the destroyers Coghlan, Bailey, Dale and Monaghan.

American intelligence estimated that the Japanese escort consisted of the same strength. However, Japanese 5th fleet had been reinforced and the escort force actually consisted of the heavy cruisers Nachi and Maya, the light cruisers Tama and Abukuma, and the destroyers Wakaba, Hatsushimo, Ikazuchi, and Inazuma, commanded by Vice Adm. Boshiro Hosogaya. On the early morning of March 26, 1943, the Japanese convoy was intercepted by the American picket line some 100 miles south of the Komandorski islands and 180 miles west of Kiska, just to the west of the International Date Line. Due to the remote location and chance nature of the encounter, neither side had air or submarine support.

The Americans, formed in a scouting line at 6-mile intervals, first made radar contact at 0730, spotting the 2 trailing Japanese transports and a destroyer. A navigating officer on one of the transports visually observed the American force minutes later. The Americans closed for action and at 0835 identified 2 heavy cruisers and 2 destroyers. Minutes later the Japanese transports were sent off away from the developing action, and Nachi began an exchange with the American cruisers. Two of the American destroyers soon joined in.

A 0850, Nachi’s signal bridge was hit by a 6” shell from Richmond. Other shells hit the main mast, severing radio communication, the control room and the torpedo compartment (the torpedoes had already been fired - all missed). Nachi dropped back after losing electrical power to ammunition hoists and gun mounts. Maya now opened fire, hitting Salt Lake City with 6 shells by noon and destroying its scout plane. Salt water entered a fuel tank in use and extinguished Salt Lake City’s boiler fires. The ship came to a stop. At 1154, 3 US destroyers approached the Japanese cruisers for a torpedo attack while Richmond and Dale made smoke to shield Salt Lake City. The torpedoes missed, but Salt Lake City was given time to restart its boilers and make 15 knots. One destroyer was damaged in the attack.

At 1230, with the Japanese fleet on the edge of victory, Adm. Hosogaya, not realizing the heavy damage his ships had inflicted and fearing American aircraft would appear, retired westward. This amounted to a strategic defeat, as it ended Japanese attempts to resupply the Aleutian garrisons by surface ship, leaving only submarines to conduct supply runs. Hosogaya was retired from active service after the battle.

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March 28, 1809
Battle of Medellin

The Spanish Army of Estremadura under Gregorio de la Cuesta had been forced out of its defensive positions on the Tagus River after the combat of Meza de Ibor (March 17), and had retreated to the Guadiana River. Just before reaching the river, Cuesta had been faced with a choice of routes - either west towards his base at Badajoz or southeast, away from the highroad towards Medellin and La Serena. Cuesta was still intending to offer battle, so he chose the road to Medellin as he expected reinforcements to arrive. He then moved east from Medellin to La Serena, where on March 27 he was joined by the Duke of Albuquerque. This gave Cuesta a strength of 19,000 infantry, 3000 cavalry and 30 guns, which he decided was enough to allow him to risk battle.

Marshal Claude Victor-Perrin had followed Cuesta over the mountains between the Tagus and the Guadiana. By the time he discovered that Cuesta had gone to Medellin, Victor had left 4 infantry battalions and two cavalry regiments to guard key points on the main road, leaving him with 13,000 infantry, 4500 cavalry and 50 guns.

The battlefield at Medellin was a triangle of land bordered by the Guadiana to the north and the Hortiga to the west, with Medellin at the north western tip of the triangle, on the west bank of the Hortiga. On the morning of battle, the French were based around Medellin, while the Spanish approached from Don Benito, to the southeast. Both Victor and Cuesta were willing to risk battle. Although outnumbered, Victor’s army was better organized and more experienced, and was superior in cavalry. Cuesta’s only numerical advantage was in his infantry, but this was split between raw recruits and men who had been defeated Gamonal and the Somosierra Pass. The one redeeming feature of the Spanish position was that the French were fighting with their backs to the Guadiana. If the Spanish could win the day, their victory would be a big one.

Victor posted all of this cavalry and 2 of his 3 infantry divisions east of the Hortiga. Villatte’s infantry, in the center of the line, was pulled back from the 2 flank forces. On the left was Lasalle’s cavalry, supported by 2 battalions of Leval’s infantry, and on the right was Latour-Maubourg’s cavalry, against supported by 2 battalions of infantry.

If this was an odd deployment, Cuesta’s forces were in an even more unusual position. To make sure that he could not be outflanked, Cuesta deployed his infantry into a single thin line, 4 miles long and only 4 men deep, split into 5 divisions (from left to right: Henestrosa, Del Parque, Trias, Portago and Albuquerque). For the Spanish to win they had to prevent the French from finding any gaps in this line, for there were no reserves. If the French cavalry got around the edges of Cuesta’s army, then a disastrous defeat would follow.

At first Cuesta’s plan seemed to be working. At the thin Spanish line advanced, Latour-Maubourg attempted to charge Del Parque’s division, and suffered a repulse. His cavalry retreated to the rear in disorder, and Victor was forced to order a fighting retreat to a new position. This stage of the battle is said to have lasted for 2 hours, as Lasalle’s left wing pulled back into line with Latour-Maubourg and Villatte’s troops.

The battle was decided on the Spanish left. Here Victor had set up a battery of 10 guns, protected by Latour-Maubourg’s 2 German battalions, a battalion from Villatte’s division and a battalion of grenadiers, with the cavalry protecting their flank. Cuesta sent Henestrosa and Del Parque to attack these guns. Their infantry fought with impressive determination, and actually managed to reach the guns. At this point Latour-Maubourg sent his cavalry into the attack. Cuesta, who was on the left, responded by ordering 3 regiments of Spanish cavalry to counter-charge. The Spanish cavalry advanced a short distance towards the French, and then turned and fled without having fired a shot, nearly riding down Cuesta during their rout. The flight of the Spanish cavalry exposed the left flank of the Spanish line. Latour-Maubourg sent 3 of his cavalry regiments to attack Henestrosa and Del Parque’s infantry from the flank and the entire Spanish left wing collapsed.

A similar collapse occurred on the Spanish right. When Latour-Maubourg began his charge, Lasalle responded by attacking the extreme right of the Spanish line, where their cavalry was advancing along the Guadiana. 2 French cavalry regiments hit the leading Spanish cavalry, and forced them back towards the remaining regiments. All 3 then fled from the field, leaving the right flank of the Spanish army exposed. The Spanish commander on the right, the Duke of Albuquerque, did better than his equivalents on the left wing, managing to organize some resistance, but the Spanish were then hit from the rear by Latour-Maubourg’s cavalry, fresh from the rout of the Spanish left.

The result was a massacre. At least 7500 Spanish troops were killed in the battle, with most of those casualties being suffered by the infantry on the right. Some battalions attempted to stand and fight, and were virtually wiped out, and the pursuit was vigorous. The French took at least 1850 prisoners as well as 20 guns. French losses were much lower, although probably not as low as the total of 300 killed and wounded given by Marshal Jourdan. A figure of between 1000 and 2000 seems more likely.

Cuesta retreated to Monasterio, half way between Medellin and Seville. Bizarrely his standing with the Central Junta improved after Medellin, for despite the defeat and the heavy losses, his army had put up a much more credible fight than had been the case in the majority of recent battles. By mid April, enough reinforcements had reached him to bring the Army of Estremadura back to same size as it had been before the battle.

Victor gained very little from his victory. The second part of his orders had been for him to capture Badajoz, close to the border with Portugal, and then wait for news from Marshal Soult, who was believed to be advancing towards Lisbon. Instead, Victor put his men into camp at Merida and Medellin. He remained in Estremadura until the middle of June, by which time it was clear that Soult’s campaign in Portugal had gone badly wrong. Arthur Wellesley had taken command in Portugal, forced the French to retreat across the mountains back to Galicia, and was now threatening to invade Spain. Victor and his army were needed around Talavera.

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1854
Miao Rebellion

The Miao were found throughout southwest China, as well as in eastern Tibet and northern Indochina. There are said to have been 83 tribes, which rarely intermarried and were often ancient enemies. They had long since been driven into the mountains by Chinese settlement, a ring of Chinese towns surrounding the Miao heartland in Kweichow. A major revolt in 1795-1806 had failed; a half-hearted government attempt to police the expansion into Miao territory afterward by means of military agricultural settlements did little more that provide the settlers with a sizable militia with which to bully the Miao.

The new rebellion was doubtless inspired by the success of the Taipings, making clear the fragility of the Manchu regime. It began with some of the Shan tribes in March 1854, sparked by excessive tax demands, and was followed by a rising of disaffected Chinese in the northeast. It can be seen that what the Chinese government called, for convenience, the Miao Rebellion was more universal than its name implies. One Chinese scholar claims that half the rebels were actually Chinese and only 40% Miao or other ethnic minorities., the remaining 11% being Chinese Muslims.

Under such circumstances, no coordinated rebel leadership ever evolved, though Kao He and Kiu Sung were probably predominant, being the only Miao leaders ever referred to by the imperialists as “great kings”. Only in 1868 did a single leader, Chin Ta-wu, emerge to lead the dwindling rebel forces.

The early stages of the revolt took the form of brushfire wars, with periodic attacks against Chinese-held towns and ambushing any army foolish enough to try and force its way into the mountains. The fortified towns surrounding the Miao heartland were all captured by 1858 and held until 1864, when government troops began to recover them (though most were not retaken until 1870-71). However, the rebels were unable to seriously threaten their principal target, the provincial capital Kweiyang, against which periodic campaigns were mounted from 1857 and the insurrection nearly became sidetracked by the larger Taiping conflict when a Taping army passed though on the way to Szechuan in 1859. In May 1860, another Taiping foray managed to get within 10 miles of Kweiyang, but this pillaging expedition soon turned back. Some Taiping remnants continued to be active in the area as late as 1868.

The high water mark of rebel success came in 1863-64. By this time rebel groups were active in every corner of Kweichow province and successful enough to discourage government forces from doing much more than defend Kweiyang and its neighboring towns. A major rebel offensive from the south succeeded in pushing to within 2 miles of the capital in November 1863, taking several important towns en route, all of which were recovered by a desperate imperialist counteroffensive from December to the following spring. Despite another attempt on Kweiyang in 1865, it would seem that the impetus of the revolt was now spent, and the initiative slowly passed to the imperialists. A stalemate ensued for the next few years.

Though Kweichow was low on Peking’s list of priorities, the provincial authorities took what advantage they could of the defeat of the Tapings in 1864-66, which released thousands of troops for service elsewhere in the empire. With their superior training and foreign weapons, these were to prove decisive. The first contingents arrived in April 1865.

From 1868 onwards, the imperialists steadily gained ground, the Szechuan and Hunan armies inexorably forcing their way through the passes and into the mountainous Miao heartland. The methodical advance massacred such Miao as refused to submit. After summer 1871 those rebels still at large in central Kweichow achieved no more than minor successes, most of their time being spent trying to outrun pursuing government troops. The last few bands were eventually mopped up in April and May 1872, all but one of their leaders being captured and executed, the exception (Chin Ta-pei) dying in battle. By this time those Chinese and Miao rebels still under arms in the west of the province had also been exterminated. This left just the Muslims of southwest Kweichow to be dealt with, their surrender towards the end of the year finally bringing the 18-year insurrection to a close.

Some Chinese put the death toll in excess of 4 million, while the Governor of Kweichow estimated that as many as 90% of the population had died. Certainly some 80% of all Miao villages in the province appear to have been destroyed. Understandably, the handful of further incidents that still occasionally manifested themselves over the rest of the century were, by comparison, trivial affairs of no more than local significance.

[Ennath]

March 29, 1847
Fall of Veracruz

With the beginning of the war with Mexico in May 1846, American forces under Zachary Taylor won quick victories along the border before advancing to the fortress city of Monterrey. Attacking in September 1846, Taylor captured the city after a bloody battle. In the wake of the fighting, he angered President James Polk when he granted the Mexicans an 8-week armistice and allowed Monterrey’s defeated garrison to go free.

With Taylor at Monterrey, discussions began in Washington regarding future American strategy. It was decided that a strike directly at Mexico City would be the key to winning the war. As a 500-mile march from Monterrey over rugged, arid terrain was deemed impractical, the decision was made to land on the coast near Veracruz and march inland. This decision made, Polk needed to decide on a commander. While Taylor was popular, he was an outspoken Whig who had frequently criticized Polk publicly. Polk, a Democrat, would have preferred one of his own, but lacking an appropriate candidate, selected Winfield Scott who, though a Whig, posed less of a political threat. The sitting General-in-Chief of the US Army, Scott was a more talented general than Taylor and had come to prominence during the War of 1812.

To create Scott’s invasion force, the bulk of Taylor's veteran troops were ordered to the coast. Left south of Monterrey with a small army, Taylor successfully held off a much larger Mexican force at the Battle of Buena Vista in February 1847 (see posting).

On November 14, 1846, the US Navy captured the Mexican port of Tampico. Arriving at Lobos Island, 50 miles south of the city, on February 21, 1847, Scott found few of the 20,000 men he had been promised. Over the next several days, more men arrived and Scott came to command 3 divisions led by William Worth, David Twiggs and Robert Patterson. While the first 2 divisions were comprised of US Army regulars, Patterson’s was made up of volunteer units drawn from Pennsylvania, New York, Illinois, Tennessee, and South Carolina.

The infantry was supported by 3 regiments of dragoons under Col. William Harney and artillery units. By March 2, Scott had around 10,000 men and his transports began moving south protected by Commodore David Connor’s Home Squadron. 3 days later, the lead ships arrived south of Veracruz and anchored off Anton Lizardo. Boarding the steamer Secretary on March 7, Connor and Scott reconnoitered the city’s massive defenses.

Considered the most heavily fortified city in the Western Hemisphere, Veracruz was walled and guarded by Forts Santiago and Concepción. In addition, the harbor was protected by the famed island Fort San Juan de Ulúa which possessed 128 guns. Juan Esteban Morales commanded a garrison of 3360 men, with another 1030 at San Juan de Ulúa offshore.

Wishing to avoid the city’s guns, Scott agreed with Conner’s suggestion for a landing site at Mocambo Bay’s Collado Beach, 3 miles south of Veracruz. The 1st Regular Division under Worth was chosen to make the first landing, followed by Patterson’s volunteers and then Twiggs’ regular division.

Conner’s fleet moved to within 90 yards of the beach to supply covering fire if necessary. By 12:15 PM on March 9, this force was off Collado Beach, followed by larger vessels over the next 3 hours and a signal for landing the specially designed surfboats at 5:30. The only Mexican troops present were a small body of lancers which were driven off by naval gunfire. Racing ahead, Worth was the first American ashore and was quickly followed another 5500 men. Worth's whole division landed without firing or receiving a single shot. By 11 PM, Scott’s entire army had been brought ashore without a single man lost, and the first large scale amphibious landing conducted by the US military was a success.

Sent north from the beachhead, Gideon Pillow’s brigade of Patterson’s division defeated a force of Mexican cavalry at Malibrán. This severed the road to Alvarado and cut off the city’s supply of fresh water. Patterson’s other brigades, led by John Quitman and James Shields aided in holding off the enemy as Scott’s men moved to surround Veracruz. The investment of the city was completed within 3 days and saw the Americans establish a line running from Playa Vergara south to Collado.

Morales hoped to hold the city until aid could arrive from the interior or the approaching yellow fever season began to reduce Scott’s army. Though several of Scott’s senior commanders wished to attempt a storming of the city, the methodical general insisted on reducing the city through siege tactics to avoid needless casualties. He insisted that the operation should cost the lives of no more than 100 men.

Though a storm delayed the arrival of his siege guns, Scott’s engineers including Captains Robert E. Lee and Joseph Johnston, and Lt. George McClellan began working to site gun emplacements and enhance the siege lines. On March 21, Commodore Matthew Perry arrived to relieve Connor. Perry offered 6 naval guns and their crews which Scott accepted. These were quickly emplaced by Lee. The next day, Scott demanded that Morales surrender. When this was refused, the American guns began bombarding the city. Though the defenders returned fire, they caused few injuries.

The bombardment was supported by Perry’s ships offshore. On March 24, a Mexican soldier was captured carrying dispatches stating that Gen. Antonio López de Santa Anna was approaching the city with a relief force. Harney’s dragoons were dispatched to investigate and located a force of around 2000 Mexicans. To meet this threat, Scott dispatched Patterson with a force which drove off the enemy. The next day, the Mexicans in Veracruz requested a ceasefire and asked that women and children be allowed to leave the city. This was refused by Scott who believed it to be a delaying tactic. Resuming the bombardment, the artillery fire caused several fires in the city.

On the night of March 25-26, Morales called a council of war. His officers recommended surrender. Morales was unwilling to do so and resigned leaving General José Juan Landero to assume command. On March 26, the Mexicans again requested a ceasefire and Scott sent Worth to investigate. Returning with a note, Worth stated that he believed the Mexicans were stalling and offered to lead his division against the city. Scott declined and based on the language in the note, began surrender negotiations. After 3 days of talks, Morales agreed to surrender the city and San Juan de Ulúa.

Achieving his goal cost Scott only 13 killed and 54 wounded. Mexican losses are less clear and were approximately 350-400 soldiers killed, as well as 100-600 civilians. Though initially chastised in the foreign press for the “inhumanity” of the bombardment, Scott’s achievement in capturing such a heavily fortified city with minimal losses was staggering. Establishing a large base at Veracruz, Scott quickly moved to get the bulk of his army away from the coast before yellow fever season. Leaving a small garrison to hold the city, the army departed on April 8 for Jalapa and began the campaign that would ultimately capture Mexico City.

[Ennath]

March 30, 1814
Fight at Lacolle Mills

After the St. Lawrence campaign had ended late the previous year with the British victory at the Battle of Crysler's Farm (see posting), the defeated American Army under Maj. Gen. James Wilkinson went into winter quarters at French Mills, NY, only just inside the United States. British commanders feared that the Americans could threaten their line of communication along the St. Lawrence River from this position, but Wilkinson made no attempt to do so. His army arrived at French Mills with few supplies, and because of poor roads, lack of transport and draught animals and inefficiency of the Quartermaster General's Department, it was almost impossible to supply the army in this advanced position. Sickness rapidly increased until there were no less than 450 sick in squalid conditions in a hospital in Malone, and many more in French Mills.

Finally, in late January 1814, Secretary of War John Armstrong ordered Wilkinson to detach a division numbering 2000 men under Brig. Gen. Jacob Brown to Sackett's Harbor, and fall back with the main body (about 4000 fit men) to Plattsburgh on Lake Champlain, while the sick and wounded were removed to Burlington, Vermont. British troops followed up almost to Plattsburgh, garnering large quantities of supplies from settlements in New York state such as Malone and Four Corners and paroling many sick American soldiers who fell into their hands, before withdrawing.

Wilkinson was aware that he would almost certainly be removed from command following the defeat of the St. Lawrence campaign, and planned several offensives to restore his reputation. Most of these were too ambitious for the means available, but one objective seemed feasible. A few miles north of the border, the main road crossed the small Lacolle River. Here, the British maintained an outpost of 80 men of the 13th Regiment of Foot in a blockhouse and the stout stone-built mill building. The defenders also included a Congreve rocket detachment of the Royal Marine Artillery, and there were other outpost positions and blockhouses nearby.

Wilkinson marched north from Plattsburgh to attack this outpost on March 27. His force consisted of 4000 men organized into 3 brigades, with 11 pieces of artillery. The march was delayed by deep snow and mud, and he was not able to occupy Odelltown until March 30, and begin the attack on Lacolle Mill until the early afternoon.

The Americans opened fire with two 12-pounder cannon and a 5.5 inch mortar. They could not bring an 18-pounder into action because of soft ground. The garrison fired back with their Congreve rockets. Although the rockets were inaccurate, they caused several American casualties. The Americans had not encountered these weapons before and were unnerved.

The flank (i.e. the Light and Grenadier) companies of the 13th had been stationed nearby. They launched a bayonet charge against the American artillery emplacements, but they were far outnumbered and were repulsed. Hearing the firing from some 2 miles away, a company of the Canadian Voltigeurs and the Grenadier company of the Canadian Fencibles also marched to reinforce the defenders. They waded through icy water to slip through the American lines and opened fire on the American artillery, wounding the artillery commander, his replacement and many of the gun crews. The Americans were also under fire from British gunboats under Commander Daniel Pring, who had brought his vessels up the Richelieu River from Ile aux Noix to the mouth of the Lacolle River.

By evening, the Americans had made little impression on the defenses. Rather than launch an all-out assault, Wilkinson ordered a retreat. The Americans returned to Plattsburgh, considerably disheartened. Wilkinson had recklessly exposed himself to British fire throughout the action, though to little purpose. He had lost 41 men killed, 213 wounded and 13 missing. The British and Canadians lost 11 dead, 46 wounded and 4 missing.

On April 11, Wilkinson received orders from Armstrong relieving him of command. This was probably not a direct result of the debacle at Lacolle Mills, but followed a request made by Wilkinson himself on March 24 for a Court of Enquiry to rule on his conduct of the St. Lawrence campaign the previous year. This eventually resulted in a court martial, but Wilkinson was acquitted of various charges of negligence and misconduct. (Wilkinson became known as the general who never won a battle or lost a court martial.)

The failure nevertheless allowed Armstrong to promote a crop of comparatively junior officers to command divisions and brigades. Maj. Gen. George Izard, who had been on leave when the Battle of Lacolle Mills was fought, eventually took command at Plattsburgh.