The Military History Thread

[Ennath]

March 8, 1937
Battle of Guadalajara

After the collapse of the 3rd offensive on Madrid, Gen. Francisco Franco decided to make a 4th attempt at closing the pincer around the capital. Nationalist forces were exhausted and could not create the necessary momentum to carry the operation through. However, the Italians were optimistic after the capture of Malaga, and it was thought that they could score an easy victory owing to the heavy losses sustained by the Republican Army at the Jarama. Benito Mussolini endorsed the operation and committed Italian units to it.

The Italian commander, Gen. Mario Roatta, planned to surround Madrid from the northwest. After joining the Spanish Nationalist “Madrid” corps" on the Jarama, they would begin the assault on Madrid. The Italians would execute the main attack. The Spanish “Soria” Division was present to secure the operation, but played no part in the first 5 days. The main attack would come in the 16-mile-wide pass at Guadalajara-Alcala de Henares. This region was well suited for an attack, as there were 5 good roads running through it; 3 other roads led to Guadalajara, allowing for the possibility of capturing this town as well. The Nationalist-Italian forces had 35,000 men, 222 guns, 108 CV33 and CV35 tankettes, 32 armored cars, and 60 Fiat CR32 fighters. The Italian tankettes and armored cars were organized as the “Tank and Armored Car Group”. The Italian aircraft were organized into the Legionary Air Force. Roatta was in overall command, with José Moscardo commanding the Spanish troops.

The Republican presence in the Guadalajara region consisted only of 12th Division under Col. Lacalle. He had 10,000 soldiers with 85 machine guns, and 15 guns. One company of T-26 light tanks was also sent to the area. No defensive works had been constructed, as it was regarded as a quiet part of the front. The Republican Army staff was sure that the next enemy offensive would come from the south.

The attack opened on the morning of March 8 with a 30-minute artillery barrage. Two Italian divisions then began the ground assault, breaking through the positions of the Republican 50th Brigade. The exploitation was slowed, however, as heavy rains the night before had turned much of the terrain into a vast expanse of sticky mud, and fog and sleet educed visibility down to 110 yards in places. Nevertheless, the Italians gained about 7 miles, including the towns of Alaminos and Castejon. Falling back, Lacalle requested reinforcements.

On the following day, two Italian tank units advanced to a point 19 miles from Guadalajara, but again the poor climate conditions slowed them. In various skirmishes, the Republicans lost 9 of their 22 tanks. Both sides consumed enormous amounts of fuel due to the difficult terrain, and supplies were often delayed by congestion along the supply routes. At about noon, the Italian advance was suddenly turned back by battalions of the newly arrived XI International Brigade (Edgar André Battalion [Austro-German], Thälmann Battalion [German] and Commune de Paris Battalion [Franco-Belgian]). The Italians had taken another 11 miles and in the evening their spearheads reached the suburbs of Brihuega, where they settled down to await a widened breach in the Republican lines. This break in momentum was to give the troops a rest.

More Republican reinforcements arrived during the night. Col. Enrique Jurado formed IV Corps with Enrique Lister’s 11th Division in the center and 12th and 14th Divisions on his flanks. They were joined by XII International Brigade (Dabrowski Battalion [Polish] and Garibaldi Battalion [Italian]), 3 batteries and an understrength tank battalion.

In the morning, the Italians began a new assault, but were surprised by the Republican tanks and initial attacks were halted. Renewed efforts took Brihuega. The fighting saw a mini Italian Civil War, as soldiers of the Garibaldi Battalion tried to get Italian regular troops to defect. The attacks were halted towards evening, and the Italians built defensive positions. At the end of the day, Lacalle resigned his command, officially for health reasons, but probably because of his resentment over being passed over by Jurado. Command over 12th Division was given to the Italian communist Nino Nanetti.

On the 11th, the Italians pushed the Internationals down the main road. It was becoming clear that their machine gun armed tankettes were no match for the Republican T-26s and BT-5s and the advance was halted about a half mile from the town of Torija. The Spanish Nationalist Soria Division captured the towns of Hita and Torre del Burgo.

Lister’s command redeployed on the morning of the 12th and counterattacked at noon, with heavy air support, based from the Albacete Airport. While the aircraft of the Legionary Air Force were grounded on waterlogged strips, the Republicans did not have this problem since Albacete had a concrete field. The Republicans had been reinforced to a strength of 50,000, with 60 tanks, to face 30,000 Italians and Nationalists. Gains were quickly made. Several tankettes were lost when Roatta attempted to change the position of his motorized units in the muddy terrain; many got stuck and were easy target for strafing fighters. The advance reached Trijueque. An Italian counterattack did not regain the lost ground.

On the 13th, the Republicans made further gains. The plan was to concentrate 11th Division under Líster and all the armored units on the Zaragoza road, while 14th Division crossed the Tajuña River to attack Brihuega. The Italians were warned that this might happen, but ignored advice from the Spanish chief of operations, Col. Barroso. 14th Division was nearly held, but local CNT (anarchist) members advised him where to place a pontoon bridge. On March 14, most Republican infantry rested while their air forces continued their attacks. The Internationals captured the Palacio de Ibarra. In the subsequent days the Republicans redeployed and concentrated their forces.

At dawn on March 18, 14th Division crossed the Tajuña River. They had cover from heavy sleet, but the weather also delayed the assault. After midday, the weather had improved enough to allow the Republican air force to operate. At around 1330, Jurado gave the order to attack. Líster was slowed by the Italian Littorio Division, arguably the best of the Italian units. 14th Division nearly managed to surround Brihuega, and the Italians retreated in panic. Remaining Italian soldiers were cleared out by XI International Brigade. An Italian counterattack failed. The Littorio Division saved the Italians from a complete disaster when they conducted a well-organized rearguard. The advance crept forward for the next 5 days, but was finally halted on the 23rd by Nationalist reserves between Ledanca and Hontanares.

The battle was an embarrassment for the Italians and ended Franco’s hopes of encircling Madrid. Franco decided to adopt a new strategy of chipping away at the Republican territories, starting in the north. The Italians were mocked in the Western press and morale sunk.

If Republican confidence soared, there was no corresponding loss of morale in Nationalist circles, which regarded the Italian expeditionary force with some contempt. Many Spanish officers were amused to see their boasting and well-equipped allies, so full of bluster before entering battle, brought so low at the hands of what they saw as fellow Spaniards, even if enemy Spaniards. Franco (who feared Italian strategic independence) announced his intention to disperse the Italians among his Spanish units. This threat was not carried out and Guadalajara in a sense guaranteed continued Italian aid as Mussolini sought to efface his humiliation at Guadalajara. After this, his forces achieved decisive successes.

[Ennath]

March 9, 1945
Japanese Coup in Indochina

In September 1940, the Japanese invaded and occupied northern French Indochina (see posting), and then in July 1941 they occupied the southern half as well. The Japanese allowed Vichy troops and the administration to continue on, albeit as puppets. By 1944, the war was going against Japan and there were fears of an Allied offensive in Indochina. The Japanese were already suspicious of the French; the liberation of Paris (see posting), raised further doubts as to the loyalties of the colonial administration. The Vichy regime by this time had ceased to exist, but its colonial administration was still in place, though Governor Adm. Jean Decoux had recognized and contacted the Provisional Government of Charles de Gaulle. Decoux got a cold response from de Gaulle and was stripped of his powers but was ordered to maintain his post to deceive the Japanese. Instead Decoux’s army commander Gen. Eugene Mordant, secretly became the Provisional Government’s delegate and head of all resistance and underground activities in Indochina. Mordaunt however was careless and the Japanese Kempeitai swiftly uncovered the plot.

During the South China Sea raid in January 1945-6 downed US Navy pilots were picked up by French authorities and housed in the central prison of Saigon for safe keeping. The French refused to give the Americans up, and when the Japanese prepared to storm the prison the men were smuggled out. The Japanese demanded their surrender but Decoux refused and Gen. Yuitsu Tsuchihashi, the Japanese commander, asked for orders from Tokyo. The High Command was reluctant to open another front in an already poor situation. Nevertheless, they ordered Tsuchihashi to offer Decoux an ultimatum and if this was rejected then a coup would overthrow the colonial administration and intern or destroy the French army in Indochina. Friendly puppet governments would then be established and win the support of the indigenous populations.

In early 1945 the French Indochina army still comprised about 65,000 men, of whom 48,500 were locally recruited Tirailleurs indochinois. The remainder were French regulars of the Colonial Army and Foreign Legion. Since the fall of France in June 1940 no replacements or supplies had been received from outside. By March 1945 only about 30,000 troops could be described as fully combat ready, the remainder serving in garrison or support units. Heavy equipment was scarce and obsolete. Japanese 38th Army comprised 30,000 troops, substantially increased by 25,000 reinforcements brought in from China, Thailand and Burma.

In early March 1945 Japanese forces were redeployed around the main French garrisons. French officials were forewarned of an attack through troop movements, and some garrisons were put on alert. The Japanese envoy in Saigon declared to Decoux that since an Allied landing was inevitable, Tokyo wished to put into place a “common defense”. Decoux responded that this would be a catalyst for an Allied invasion but suggested that Japanese control would be accepted if they actually invaded. This was not enough and the Tsuchihashi accused Decoux of playing for time.

On March 9, Tsuchihashi delivered an ultimatum for French troops to disarm. That evening Japanese forces moved against the French in every center. In some instances French troops were able to resist attempts to disarm them, with fighting breaking out in Saigon, Hanoi, Haiphong and Nha Trang and the northern frontier. In Hué, the paramilitary Garde Indochinoise fought for 19 hours before their barracks was overrun and destroyed; 300 men, 1/3 of them French, managed to escape to the A Shau Valley. However, over the next 3 days, they succumbed to hunger, disease and betrayals - many surrendered while others fought their way into Laos where only a handful survived. Meanwhile, Mordaunt led opposition by the garrison of Hanoi for several hours but was forced to capitulate. In Laos and Cambodia, the Japanese seized control without much resistance. All French personnel were either interned or in some cases executed.

Japan issued instructions to Thailand to seal its border with Indochina and arrest all French and Indochinese residents within its territory. Instead, Thailand began negotiating over their course of action, and by the end of March hadn't fully complied.

The Japanese strikes at the French in the Northern Frontier saw the heaviest fighting. Here the French had the sympathy of many indigenous peoples. Several hundred Laotians volunteered to be armed as guerrillas against the Japanese; French officers organized them into detachments but turned away those they did not have weapons for.

Japanese 22nd Division was assigned to take Langson, a strategic fort near the Chinese border. The fort contained a number of strongpoints with a garrison of nearly 4000 (Vietnamese and Legionnaires) under Gen. Emile Lemonnier. Initial Japanese attacks, backed by tanks, failed. Renewed attacks on the 10th finally overcame the garrison after heavy fighting. Lemonnier was taken prisoner himself and ordered to sign a document formally surrendering the forces under his command. He refused and was beheaded. The Japanese then machine-gunned some of the prisoners and either beheaded or bayoneted the wounded survivors.

The Battle of Langson cost the French heavy casualties and their force on the border was effectively destroyed. On the 12th, the Japanese advanced further north to the border town of Dong Dang where a company of the 3rd Regiment of Tonkinese Rifles and a battery of colonial artillery were based. The French resisted for 3 days. The Japanese were then reinforced by two regiments from 22nd Division from Langson and finally overran the French colonial force. 53 survivors were beheaded or bayoneted.

Gen. Gabriel Sabattier’s Tonkin Division had enough time to be spared an assault and was able to retreat northwest from their base in Hanoi, hoping to reach the Chinese border. However they were harried by aircraft and artillery, being forced to abandon all their heavy equipment as they crossed the Red River. Sabattier then found that the Japanese had blocked the most important border crossings at Lao Cai and Ha Giang. Contact was lost with Maj-Gen. Marcel Alessandri’s 2nd Tonkin Brigade, some 5700 French and colonial troops, including 3 Legion battalions. Their only option was to fight their own way to China.

The U.S. and China were reluctant to start a large-scale operation to restore French authority, as they did not favor colonial rule and had little sympathy for the Vichy regime. Both countries ordered that their forces provide no assistance, but Gen. Claire Chennault went against orders, and his aircraft flew support missions as well as dropping medical supplies for Sabbattier’s forces retreating into China. However, they had little effect in stemming the Japanese advance.

By mid April, Alessandri, having realized he was on his own, split his force in two. Soon a combination of disease, ration shortages and low morale forced him into a difficult decision. He reluctantly disarmed and disbanded his local colonial troops, leaving them to their fate in a measure which angered French and Vietnamese alike. Many of the tirailleurs were far from their homes and some were captured. Others joined the Viet Minh. The remaining French and Legion units gradually discarded all of their heavy weapons, motor vehicles and several tons of ammunition. The division was reduced by disease and stragglers as they moved towards Son La and Dien Bien Phu where they fought costly rearguard actions.

By this time, de Gaulle had been informed of the situation in Indochina and ordered Sabbattier to maintain a presence in Indochina for the sake of France’s pride. By May 6, however many of the remaining members of the Tonkin Division were over the Chinese border where they were interned under harsh conditions. The Tonkin division had suffered heavily; many had died or were invalided by disease. In combat 774 had been killed and 283 wounded with another 303 missing or captured. Japanese losses are unknown.

During the Coup the Japanese urged declarations of independence, creating a new Empire of Vietnam, Kingdom of Cambodia and Kingdom of Laos under their direction. Emperor Bao Dai complied in Vietnam where they set up a puppet government which collaborated with the Japanese. King Norodom Sihanouk also obeyed, but the Japanese did not trust the francophile monarch. Nationalist leader Son Ngoc Thanh, who had been exiled in Japan and was considered a more trustworthy ally, returned to Cambodia and became Minister of foreign affairs in May and then Prime Minister in August. In Laos however, King Sisavang Vong, who favored French rule, refused to declare independence, finding himself at odds with his Prime Minister, Prince Phetsarath Rattanavongsa.

French losses were heavy; 15,000 French soldiers were captured by the Japanese. Nearly 4200 were killed with many executed after surrender - about half of these were European or French metropolitan troops. Practically all French leaders as well plantation owners were made prisoners, including Decoux. Those suspected of armed resistance were jailed in the Kempeitai prison in bamboo cages and were tortured. The locally recruited units effectively ceased to exist. About 1000 were killed in the fighting or executed after surrender. Some joined pro-Japanese militias or Vietnamese nationalist guerrillas. Over 3000 reached Chinese territory as part of the retreating French columns.

[Ennath]

March 10, 1710
Battle of Helsingborg

Denmark had been forced out of the Great Northern War in 1700, but had long planned on reopening hostilities with the goal of reconquering the lost provinces of Scania, Halland and Blekinge. After the Swedish defeat at Poltava in 1709 (see posting), the Danes saw an opportunity and declared war on Sweden. The pretext was that Sweden had been cheating with the Sound Dues, and that the population of Scania, Halland, Blekinge and Bohuslän had been mistreated.

In late fall 1709, a large Danish fleet gathered in Øresund, and on November 12 a landing was made off Råå. The Danish army was led by Christian Ditlev Reventlow and consisted of 15,000 men (about half cavalry). It met virtually no resistance. The Swedish army was in terrible shape after Poltava, where several regiments had been completely annihilated. The work of rebuilding and recruiting had begun immediately after, but by late summer 1709, Magnus Stenbock had only 1 Scanian regiment battle-ready. The Swedish counterattack would have to wait and the army retreated into Småland. By the beginning of December, the Danes controlled almost all of central Scania except for Landskrona and Malmö. Their objective was to take the naval base at Karlskrona in Blekinge, and the Danish army worked its way into Sweden. In January 1710, it defeated a smaller Swedish force outside Kristianstad.

Stenbock had frantically tried to gather a new Swedish army and several new regiments had begun to assemble in Växjö, from where Stenbock had planned to march. The raw recruits were exercised daily on the ice of a frozen lake close to the city. By February 15, 1710, Stenbock had moved to Osby where additional units joined in. By now, he had about 16,000 men. Helsingborg was the key to Scania and Stenbock intended on marching to Kävlingeån, in doing so cutting the Danish supply lines.

Reventlow saw the threat and turned immediately to meet the Swedes, but when they reached Ringsjön in central Scania, Reventlow was suddenly taken ill and had to yield command to Jørgen Rantzau. Rantzau feared being wedged between the Swedish army and the Swedish garrison in Malmö and therefore moved towards Helsingborg. Once in the city, Rantzau could be reinforced and when he camped his force amounted to 10,000 foot and 4,000 horse. Stenbock received the news of the Danish march too late and had to race to Helsingborg. The night of March 9, he camped northeast of the city. The Swedish army was as large as the Danish force, with more cavalry and fewer infantry.

On the morning of March 10, Stenbock marched south towards Helsingborg. When he approached the Danish positions he ordered his army into battle positions. A thick morning fog lay over the area and hid the two armies from each other. When the fog lifted, Rantzau saw that the Swedish army outflanked his own left flank in the west and was forced to reinforce it quickly. Rantzau had deployed his artillery on the heights of Ringstorp, from where he started firing at noon.

Instead of profiting from the weak Danish west flank, Stenbock turned his army east to the Danish right. This was perceived by the Danes as an attempt to encircle their eastern flank, and to prevent this they moved further east, opening up gaps in the line. The first skirmishes occurred in the east, by Brohuset. The Swedes were repelled and Swedish commander Burenskiöld was captured. However, the rest of the Swedish east flank was able to improve the situation and soon the Danes were at a disadvantage. Rantzau participated in the fighting personally, not thinking of the direction of the battle, and was eventually wounded by a bullet through the lung. At the same time a rumor developed in the Danish east flank that the Swedes had encircled them and were attacking from behind, which caused the entire wing to collapse, with the troops fleeing towards Helsingborg.

Rantzau's disappearance from the field became noticeable in the center of the Danish line where the Swedish forces had begun to attack. The Danes were soon hard-pressed, and when the troops saw how the eastern flank was faring, the center started to collapse. The elite Danish Gardet and the corps of grenadiers which were deployed on the edges could prevent the Swedish advance long enough to allow the other forces to pull back, but many of the fleeing troops were cut down by the Swedish cavalry.

Now the Swedes attacked the gap that had formed between the Danish center and its western flank. Here too the Danes had no leadership, since the commander von Dewitz had been ordered to the eastern side of battle. The Swedish cavalry chased off the Danish horse and surrounded the grenadiers. The Gardet had already been forced to retire and the situation became untenable for the Danes. Valentin von Eickstedt ordered the Danish retreat.

The remainder of the Danish army had sought refuge within the walls of Helsingborg, and Stenbock avoided attacking the strong position. A Swedish council of war determined that their forces were too weak to storm the city, and instead started a bombardment of the city. By March 15 the last remains of the Danish army left Scania after slaughtering all their horses and sabotaging their cannons. The Danes lost over 7500 men killed, wounded, or captured. Swedish losses amounted to 2800. The Danish army left Scania, never to return.

[Ennath]

26 BC
Arabian Expedition

The Arabs of the Kingdom of Sabaea (Sheba) in modern Yemen were key intermediaries in the sea trade between India and the Mediterranean world. This trade had grown significant. According to the historian Strabo, 120 Roman vessels sailed every year from recently-conquered Egypt to India. Sabaea was a key stop-over point and their involvement had grown to become a virtual monopoly, which was unacceptable to Rome.

In 26 BC, Aelius Gallus, Prefect of Egypt, was ordered by Augustus to mount an expedition. He was to conclude treaties of friendship with the Arabian tribes or subdue them it they should ,offer opposition. It was believed that Arabia was full of wealth of all kinds; the trading success of the Sabaeans was based on the cultivation and trade of spices and aromatics including frankincense and myrrh.

Gallus set out with 10,000 men, including contingents of 500 from Herod of Judaea and 1000 from Obodas of Nabataea. Despite the presence of these local allies, the expedition had not been well-enough planned and there had been insufficient reconnaissance. Gallus began his preparations at Cleopatris on the Egyptian shore of the Gulf of Suez. Here he concentrated his forces and had ships assembled. There being no timber in Egypt, all materials had to be brought overland. and presumably long experience of prefabrication methods so the ships could be assembled rather than built from scratch; local merchant ships would have been requisitioned as transports. It is not known whether use was made of the canal between the Nile and the Red Sea; it had last been cleared in 280 BC and unless maintained was liable to silting. In view of the mass of material that was concentrated quickly, it seems likely that it remained at least partly usable and Augustus did have some restoration work to the canal carried out.

Some 80 warships and 130 transports, with crews drawn from the fleet at Alexandria, transported Gallus’ army across the Red Sea to Leuke Kome, the southernmost town of Nabataea, where the allied continents joined him. Several ships had been lost on the coral reefs which line the Arabian coast and the Roman sailors were also disconcerted by the extreme tides. It took 2 weeks to ferry the army the 160 miles and there were outbreaks of scurvy.

This seems a somewhat slow process to carry 8500 men and stores, given that Caesar had needed 40 ships to transport a whole legion and considering the numbers available to Gallus; the outbreak of sickness and the speed of his subsequent advance indicates a slowness in command rather than capacity. Had he but known it, the Arabs had no warships with which to oppose him and Gallus could have saved much wasted time. As it was, he abandoned his original plan to sail down the Arabian coast and attack directly, deciding instead to advance by land, his flank covered by the navy and supplies brought in by ship. The Arabian Red Sea coast comprised hundreds of miles of waterless desert, fringed by vast coral reefs which extend far offshore and there were few good natural harbors. Great skill was needed, even with the acquisition of local pilots, to bring the supply ships inshore.

Gallus trusted to the guidance of a Nabataean called Syllaeus, who proved unreliable. It took 6 months to march along the harsh coastline, but despite sickness in the ranks, the bad conditions and exhaustion, the army took towns in its path and achieved its objective. The Sabaeans were suitably overawed by the Roman army and came to acceptable terms, becoming recognized clients. The port facilities at Aden were demolished so as to no longer bleed off Roman profits. The army returned by a more direct route; along the way they took the town of Yathrib (Medina). After a 2 month march, the army was ferried back to Egypt, having lost over half its strength. The Romans did not maintain their fleet on the Red Sea; although ships were deployed there from time to time, they controlled the shores at the northern end of the sea and there was no maritime, or indeed, military challenge from that quarter. The best guarantee of the trade routes to India was that the success of that trade benefited all the peoples along the way.

[Ennath]

March 11, 1845
Flagstaff War

In 1840, by the Treaty of Waitangi, New Zealand was formally annexed by the British, and the following year the capital was moved to Auckland. In the Bay of Islands, Hone Heke, one of the original signatories to the treaty, became increasingly unhappy with the results of the treaty. Among other things, he objected to the move to Auckland and the customs tariff that reduced his trade. There existed a wide belief that the treaty was merely a ruse of the Pakeha (whites), and that the Europeans intended to seize all Maori lands.

Hone Heke and Te Ruki Kawiti worked out the plan to draw the colonial forces into battle, with the provocations focusing on the flagstaff on Maiki Hill at the north end of Kororareka (Russell). On January 10, 1845, the flagstaff was cut down by Heke. On January 17, a small detachment from the 96th Regiment was landed. A new and stronger flagstaff sheathed in iron was erected and a guard post built around it, but it was felled again. Governor FitzRoy sent to New South Wales for reinforcements. Early in February Kawiti’s warriors begun to plunder settlers around Kororareka. Meanwhile a blockhouse was built around the base of the flagstaff. The British force consisted of about 60 soldiers of the 96th and about 90 Royal Marines and sailors; colonists and sailors from the merchant ships provided about 200 armed men.

The next attack on the flagstaff on March 11 was a more serious affair. There were incidents between the Ngapuhi warriors led by Hone Heke, Kawiti and Kapotai on March 7-8. A truce was declared for the next day, a Sunday. At dawn on Tuesday March 11, a force of about 600 Maori with muskets and tomahawks attacked Kororareka. The blockhouse defenders were killed and the flagstaff cut down again, while Kawiti attacked the town, which was evacuated and bombarded by HMS Hazard.

On March 28, Lt-Col. William Hulme arrived with troops and marines to reestablish control in the Bay of Islands. The following day, the colonial forces attacked the pa (fortified village) of Pomare II, despite his neutrality. The pa fell without resistance; Pomare’s men fled into the bush.

Meanwhile, Heke and Kawiti moved 20 miles inland to Lake Omapere. While the colonial forces were building up at the Bay of Islands during April, there was constant skirmishing. The two had about 450 warriors. Opposing them were 400 local warriors supporting Tamati Waka Nene. He had given the government assurances of the good behavior of the Ngapuhi and felt that Hone Heke had betrayed his trust.

Finally, the colonial forces moved to attack Heke’s pa. They chose a difficult walking path, meaning they could not bring their artillery. After a difficult cross country march, they arrived at Puketutu Pa on May7. Due to frequent inter-tribal warfare, defensive fortifications among the Maori were quite advanced and attacking a pa was a difficult proposition. Lacking artillery (though he had a dozen Congreve rockets), Hulme had no option but a frontal assault. The rockets were ineffective, but initial attacks drove all the defenders back inside the pa. However, the British could not break in and had to retreat back to the Bay of Islands. A week later, Kapotai’s pa on Waikare Inlet was taken and burned without resistance, though sniping from the surrounding forests continued. Hulme then returned to Auckland and was replaced by Lt-Col. Despard, a man who did little to inspire confidence in his troops.

Hone Heke now returned to his pa at Te Ahuahu, an extinct volcano. Some days later, he went to Kaikohe to gather food supplies. During his absence, one of Tamati Waka Nene’s allies, the Hokianga chief, Makoare Te Taonui, attacked and captured Te Ahuahu. This was a tremendous blow to Heke’s mana or prestige; obviously it had to be recaptured as soon as possible. The ensuing battle was a traditional formal Maori fight, taking place in the open with preliminary challenges. By Maori standards, the battle was quite large. Heke mustered 400-500 warriors, while Tamati Waka Nene had about 300. There are no detailed accounts of the battle, but Heke was apparently defeated, losing at least 30 men. Heke was severely wounded and did not rejoin the conflict until some months later,

Although it was now mid-winter, Despard insisted on resuming the campaign immediately with troops from 58th and 99th Regiments, Royal Marines and a detachment of artillery; he sailed across the bay to the mouth of the Kerikeri River and began to march inland to Ohaeawai, where Kawiti had built formidable defenses around Pene Taui’s pa. Conditions were atrocious: rain and wind on sticky mud. It was several days before the entire expedition was gathered at the Waimate Mission, by which time Despard was apoplectic, so much so that when Tamati Waka Nene arrived with 250 men, Despard said that if he had wanted the assistance of savages, he would have asked for it. Fortunately, the interpreter delivered a different message.

The British troops arrived at Ohaeawai pa on June 23 and established a camp about 500 yards away. On the summit of a nearby hill (Puketapu), they established a 4-gun battery. They opened fire next day and continued until dark, but did very little damage. The next day, the guns were moved to within 200 yards of the pa. The bombardment continued for another 2 days, but still caused little damage. Finally, Despard ordered a frontal assault. He was, with difficulty, persuaded to postpone this pending the arrival of a 32-pounder naval gun, which arrived on July 1. However an unexpected sortie from the pa resulted in the temporary occupation of the knoll on which Tamati Waka Nene had his camp and the capture of Nene’s colors; the Union Jack was carried into the pa and hoisted, upside down, and at half-mast, below the Maori flag (a Maori cloak). Infuriated, Despard ordered an assault the same day. The attack was directed at the section of the pa where the angle of the palisade allowed enfilading fire; 7 minutes later the British had lost 33 dead and 66 wounded. Shaken by his losses, Despard decided to abandon the siege. However, Nene persuaded him to wait a few more days. More ammunition and supplies were brought in and the shelling continued. On the morning of July 8, the pa was found to have been abandoned. It was duly destroyed, and the British retreated once again to the Bay of Islands. Hone Heke recovered from his wounds, and a new and even stronger pa was built at Ruapekapeka.

Ruapekapeka was in a good defensive position, in an area of no strategic value, well away from non-combatants. The new governor, Sir George Grey, tried to make peace, but the Māori rebels wished to test the strength of their new pa. A considerable force was assembled in the Bay of Islands. On December 7-11, it moved to the head of the Kawakawa River, one of the streams flowing into the Bay of Islands. They were then faced with 12 miles of very difficult country before they could reach the new pa. The colonial forces, commanded by Despard, consisted of the 58th and 99th Foot, Royal Marines and sailors, and 42 volunteers from Auckland, with 450 friendly natives in support. There were 11 guns and mortars, including 3 32-pounders. The bombardment began on December 27. The guns were fired with accuracy throughout the siege, causing considerable damage to the palisades, although those inside the pa were safe in underground shelters.

The siege continued for 2 weeks, with enough patrols and probes from the pa to keep everyone alert. Then, early in the morning of Sunday, January 11, 1846, Nene’s men discovered that the pa appeared to be abandoned, although Kawiti and a few warriors remained behind and appeared to have been caught unaware by the British attack. The assault force drove Kawiti and his warriors out of the pa. The reason why the defenders appeared to have abandoned but then re-entered is the subject of continuing debate. It was later suggested that most of the Maori had been at church, as many were devout Christians. Since the British were also Christians they had not expected an attack on a Sunday. However, later commentators cast doubt on this explanation, as fighting occurred on Sunday on other occasions. Another explanation is that Heke deliberately abandoned the pa to lay a trap in the surrounding bush; if this is so, then the ambush was only partly successful, as Kawiti’s men, fearing their chief had fallen, returned to the pa.

The Battle of Ruapekapeka Pa marked the end of the Flagstaff War. While Kawiti expressed the will to continue the fight, Kawiti and Heke made it known that they would end the rebellion if the colonial forces would leave Ngapuhi land, and they asked Tamati Waka Nene to act as an intermediary. The Governor accepted that clemency was the best way to ensure peace in the north. Heke and Kawiti were granted free pardons and none of their land was confiscated. This prompted Waka to say to Grey, “you have saved us all.”

British casualties during the war were 82 killed and 164 wounded. Heke and Kawiti assessed their losses at 60 killed and 80 wounded, although the British estimated 94 killed and 148 wounded. There is no record of the numbers of allied Maori hurt during the conflict.

Peace came just in time, as a new war was about to break out at the bottom end of North Island, around Wellington. The flagstaff which had proved so controversial was not re-erected until 1858.

[Dr Pepper]

In response to Ennath's last post-and very Monty Python and the Holy Grail-esque...."and the fifth one stayed up..."

The current flagstaff at Russell incoprporates remnants of the fifth one erected at Russell-the preceding four having been toppled in one way or another as described by Ennath above:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flagst...l_(New_Zealand)

[Ennath]

March 12, 1537
Fall of Klis

After the fall of Bosnia to the Ottomans in 1463, the southern and central parts of Croatia remained unprotected, the defense of which was left to the Croatian gentry who kept garrisons in the fortified border areas at their own expense. The decisive Ottoman victory at the Battle of Krbava field in 1493, shook all of Croatia. However, it did not dissuade the Croats from defending themselves against Ottoman attacks A new wave of Ottoman conquest began in 1521, after which a good portion of Croatia was conquered or pillaged.

On August 29, 1526, The Hungarian King Louis II was crushed and killed by the Ottoman army at Mohacs (see posting), dying without an heir. Both Hungary and Croatia became disputed territories with claims from both the Habsburg and Ottoman empires. Ferdinand I, Archduke of Austria, brother of Holy Roman Emperor Charles V and a future Holy Roman Emperor himself, married the sister of Louis II and was elected King by the nobles of both Hungary and Croatia.

Owing to its location, Klis Fortress was an important defensive position during the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans. The fortress stands along the route by which the Ottomans could penetrate the mountain barrier separating the coastal lowlands around Split from Ottoman-held Bosnia. The Croatian feudal lord Petar Kruzic commanded a garrison of Croat refugees, who used Klis both to hold the Ottomans at bay, and to engage in piracy against coastal shipping. Although nominally accepting the sovereignty of the Habsburg Emperor Ferdinand, who obtained the Croatian crown in 1527, Kruzic and his freebooters, soon known as Uskoks (see posting, Uskok War), were a law unto themselves.

The Ottomans had attempted to conquer the Klis on several occasions. The first major attempt was by Skender-beg Ornosovic in 1515. The Ottomans captured Klis village, just below the fortress, but the fort garrison held. The second major attempt was in 1520, and a year later another attempt was made by Makut Pasha. Two attempts were made in 1522 and another in 1523. Attempts were also made by Gazi Husrev-beg in 1526 and 1528, and later in 1531 and 1532.

In 1534, the Ottomans under Mehmed-beg Mihalbegovic laid a months-long siege. Ferdinand urged the Pope to send ships to relieve the fort. Although the Ottomans eventually lifted the siege, Ferdinand was displeased that the Pope had provided no assistance. In 1535, the Ottomans tried to seize the fortress by treachery, and again in 1536, but they failed on both occasions.

On August 31, 1536, the Ottomans started a new siege. Kruzic appealed to Ferdinand for help, but the Emperor’s attention was diverted by an Ottoman attack in Slavonia. No troops from the Hungarian king arrived, and the Venetians baulked at sending any help Only the pope was willing to provide some men and money. Meanwhile, the garrison held out on its own.

Pope Paul III claimed some rights in Klis, and in September, 1536, there was talk in the Curia of strengthening the defenses. The Pope notified Ferdinand that he was willing to share the costs of maintaining a proper garrison. Ferdinand did send aid to Klis and was apparently hopeful of holding the fortress. He recruited men from Trieste and elsewhere in the Habsburg lands, and the Pope sent soldiers from Ancona. There were about 3000 infantry in the reinforcements, which made a sizeable relief force, commanded by Niccolo dalla Torre and a papal commissioner Jacomo Dalmoro d'Arbe.

On March 9, 1537 they disembarked near Klis, at a place called San Girolamo, with 14 pieces of artillery. Meanwhile, 8000 Ottoman troops under Murat-beg Tardic were sent to hold off the relief force.

The attempts to relieve the citadel ended in farce. Badly-drilled reinforcements sent by the Habsburgs fled in fear of the Ottomans, and their attempts to re-board their boats at Solin Bay caused many vessels to sink. Niccolo dalla Torre and the papal commissioner managed to escape. Kruzic himself – who had left the fortress to make contact with the reinforcements - was captured and executed; the sight of his head on a stick overwhelmed the remaining defenders of Klis, With water running short, they finally surrendered to the Ottomans on March 12, 1537, in exchange for safe passage north.

Many of the citizens fled, while the Uskoks retreated to the city of Senj, where they continued fighting.

[Ennath]

March 13, 1569
Battle of Jarnac

In the spring of 1569 the Huguenots had 2 armies in the field - the main army under Louis, Prince de Condé and Gaspard de Coligny around La Rochelle and a southern army, the Army of the Viscounts. In the spring of 1569 the Huguenots decided to unite these armies, and Condé moved south from Niort and advanced to the Charente River. The Huguenots occupied Cognac and the smaller town of Chateauneuf, a little further to the east, up the river.

The main Royal army, under Henri, duke of Anjou (the future Henri III, advised by Gaspard de Tavannes) made a similar move from its winter quarters on the Loire, south towards the Charente. The Royal army crossed the river further upstream, at Ruffec, then advanced along the southern bank of the river. Chateauneuf, on the south bank, was captured, and work began to repair its bridge.

At this point the Huguenots were dangerously spread out. Coligny and the van were around Bassac, some way downstream of Chateauneuf, while Condé was even further down the river at Jarnac. Their situation became dangerous when the Royal army crossed the river undetected on the night of March 12-13. When Coligny belated discovered that Anjou was across the river he ordered his units to retreat back towards Condé, but it took some time for the order to reach his scattered men. In the meantime the Royal army was able to push back the Huguenot rearguard, capturing La Noue and threatening D'Andelot.

Rather than retreat back towards Condé, Coligny was now forced to send messages calling for help. Condé responded with the 300 heavy cavalry at his immediate disposal, and despite having his arm in a sling and a broken leg (inflicted by a kicking horse just before the battle), Condé led his men into the fray, charging a much larger Royal force. After a sharp combat Condé was isolated and forced to surrender. A few moments after this, he was murdered, possibly by Montesquiou, the captain of Anjou’s guards. Condé was not the only senior Huguenot leader to be captured during the battle - de la Noue, La Loue and Soubise were also taken, although they survived the experience. So far only the Huguenot cavalry had been engaged. When the infantry finally arrived on the scene it was clear that the battle was lost. This part of the Huguenot army crossed to the southern bank of the Charente and retreated to Cognac. Coligny also managed to escape from the field, and retreated even further west, to Saintes.

In the immediate aftermath of the defeat, the Huguenot army was understandably demoralized, but Coligny and the Queen of Navarre (mother of the future Henri IV) were able to restore morale. Anjou helped with an unsuccessful siege of Cognac, and the war continued.

[Ennath]

568
Lombard Invasion of Italy

In the 540s, Audoin (r. 546–560) led the Lombards across the Danube into Pannonia, where they received Imperial subsidies as Emperor Justinian encouraged them to battle the Gepids. The Gepids were disastrously defeated at the Battle of Asfeld in 552, breaking the power of their kingdom; Audoin had a drinking cup made from the skull of the Gepid king Cunimund.

That same year, the Byzantines, aided by a large contingent of Foederati, notably Lombards, Heruls and Bulgars, defeated the Ostrogoths in the Battle of Taginae (see posting), essentially restoring imperial control over Italy.However, the triumph proved to be a pyrrhic victory, as the wars of conquest caused the population of the Italian Peninsula to crash, leaving the conquered territories severely underpopulated and impoverished. Only a small army could be left to guard the new territories.

In 560, Audoin was succeeded by his son Alboin, a young and energetic leader who finally subjected the Gepids to Lombard rule; in 566, he married Rosamund, daughter of Cunimund. In the spring of 568, Alboin led the Lombard migration into Italy. Various other people who either voluntarily joined or were subjects of King Alboin were also part of the migration. At least 20,000 Saxons, old allies of the Lombards, joined them.

The Lombards began the invasion of Northern Italy on Easter Monday, 568. They chose this date to ensure that the migrations were to be undertaken with God’s blessing, through the guidance of the Arian version of Christianity, which the Lombards had recently begun to adopt. The imperial border garrisons were overcome by year’s end and the invaders descended onto the plains of modern Lombardy.

Cividale del Friuli (Forum Julii), the first town to be captured, in 569,was established as the capital of the Duchy of Friuli, with Alboin's nephew Gisulf reigning as its first Duke. Vicenza, Verona and Brescia soon fell into Germanic hands. That summer, the Lombards conquered the main Roman center of northern Italy, Milan (Mediolanum). The small Byzantine army left in Italy could do almost nothing. Longinus, the Exarch sent to Italy by Emperor Justin II, could only defend coastal cities that could be supplied by the Byzantine fleet. Pavia fell in 572, after a siege of 3 years, becoming the first capital city of the new Lombard kingdom of Italy.

In the following years, the Lombards penetrated further south, conquering Tuscany and establishing 2 duchies, Spoleto and Benevento, which soon became semi-independent and even outlasted the northern kingdom, surviving well into the 12th century. Wherever they went, they were joined by the Ostrogothic population. The Byzantines managed to retain control of the area of Ravenna and Rome, linked by a thin corridor running through Perugia.

When they entered Italy, some Lombards retained their native form of paganism, while some were Arian Christians. Gradually, they adopted Roman or Romanized titles, names, and traditions, and partially converted to orthodoxy (in the 7th century), though not without a long series of religious and ethnic conflicts. By the mid 8th century, the Lombard language, dress and even hairstyles had nearly all disappeared.

[Ennath]

March 14, 1795
Battle off Genoa

In the aftermath of the severe damage to the French Mediterranean Fleet during the evacuation of Toulon (See posting, Fall of the Toulon Forts), the British launched an invasion of Corsica while the French set about rebuilding. For most of 1794, the surviving French ships remained in harbor, the new commander Rear Adm. Pierre Martin leading a brief sally in June which was forced to shelter at Gourjean Bay to escape an attack by Lord Hood’s fleet. The upheavals of the Revolution meant that the French fleet was suffering severe reductions in experience and morale. By 1795 the full surviving strength of the French Mediterranean Fleet had been restored, Martin mustering 15 ships of the line and 6 frigates for an operation in the Ligurian Sea. The purpose of this operation is uncertain; the report of the Committee of Public Safety to the National Convention stated that the fleet was at sea to secure shipping lanes, while other sources indicate that a landing in Corsica was the intent. This plan was also indicated by the numbers of troopships assembling in Toulon, although these vessels did not leave harbor during the operation.

Martin was reluctant to leave Toulon until he could be certain that the lax British blockade had temporarily retired. Hood had been replaced in late 1794 by his deputy Vice-Adm. William Hotham, who based his ships in San Fiorenzo Bay on the northern coast of Corsica during the winter. There he refitted; one ship, HMS Berwick, had been badly damaged due to poor handling during a gale. In late February Hotham sailed for more extensive refits at Livorno in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, leaving Berwick behind. Martin received news of Hotham's departure and sailed from Toulon on March 3.

The French faced a series of gales, and it took 4 days to reach Corsica coast; 2 ships were partly dismasted during the passage. There Martin’s scouts discovered the damaged Berwick limping around Cap Corse with jury masts. Taking advantage of his local superiority, Martin detached a squadron which captured the damaged ship. Martin ordered the captured Berwick and the damaged frigate Alceste to the protected anchorage at Gourjean Bay, while his fleet continued east into the Gulf of Genoa.

On same day, news of the French departure from Toulon reached Hotham from Genoa, with reports that the French had passed Ile Ste-Marguerite on March 6, heading east. Within a day Hotham’s fleet was ready to sail, leaving harbor in the early morning of March 9. Hotham believed that the French target was Corsica, and sent the brig HMS Tarleton to warn the Berwick and arrange a rendezvous at Cap Corse. In the evening Tarleton returned with the news of the capture of Berwick, causing Hotham to veer northwest. The following day the British frigates discovered Martin off Cape Noli in the Gulf of Genoa, steering back towards Toulon.

The weather was calm, and it was not until March 11 that the British main body sighted the French, now south and to windward of the British. Contact was lost for a time, but re-established on March 12 when Martin brought his fleet about. Martin advanced to within 3 nautical miles of Princess Royal before tacking away to larboard. The weather remained calm with choppy seas which made maneuvering difficult and prevented either fleet from closing. The night was characterized by heavy squalls, and the French ship Mercure lost a topmast; the ship detached to join Berwick at Gourjean Bay, accompanied by a frigate. At 8:00 the following morning, the 80-gun Ça Ira from the rearguard of the French fleet, collided with the neighboring Victoire and its fore and main topmasts collapsed overboard.

By the morning of March 13 it had become clear to Hotham that Martin had no intention of engaging, and the British admiral decided to authorize a general chase, permitting his captains to break from the line and pursue to the best of their ships’ ability. The leading ship of the chase was the 36-gun Inconstant, which reached the damaged Ça Ira within an hour of the collision and opened fire at close range on the larboard quarter. Seeing Ça Ira under threat, the French frigate Vestale intervened, pulled past the British ship and attached a tow line to the limping ship of the line. A last attempt to interfere exposed Inconstant to a broadside that caused heavy damage. The frigate withdrew, but its action allowed other British ships to join the fight, so that at 10:45 the 64-gun Agamemnon (Captain Horatio Nelson) was able to open fire on the French ship.

Agamemnon, supported briefly by HMS Captain, retained contact with Ça Ira for three and a half hours. Nelson had been able to position his ship off the stern of Ça Ira and weave back and forth behind the French ship, unleashing a devastating raking fire. The attack killed or wounded 110 French crew and shattered the masts and rigging. Efforts by Sans Culotte and Barras to intervene were driven off and Ça Ira was severely damaged. Eventually parts of the French center dropped back in support and Hotham ordered Nelson to fall back rather than risk being overwhelmed. While this combat continued other British ships had come up, Bedford and Egmont engaging 3 French ships, including Martin’s flagship the 120-gun Sans Culotte. Egmont was hampered during the engagement by an explosion of a cannon on the lower deck, which caused nearly 30 casualties. Hotham’s fleet was unable to fully engage with the retreating French throughout the day however, and when night fell both fleets continued west, with the British line in pursuit.

During the night Martin transferred to the frigate Friponne, allowing him to move through the fleet more easily and direct operations more effectively. Orders were given for the French fleet, now in full retreat, to sail close to the wind on the larboard tack away from the British. For unexplained reasons Sans Culotte did not follow these orders and dropped out of the fleet during the night, while Ça Ira fell further and further behind. To better protect the damaged ship, Vestale was withdrawn and replaced with the ship of the line Censeur, towing Ça Ira back towards Toulon.

In the morning the fleets were 21 nautical miles southwest of Genoa, the British closing on the French line to the west. Ça Ira and Censeur had fallen a long way back and Hotham sent his fastest ships in pursuit. By 06:30 Bedford and Captain had caught up with the stragglers. By 8:00, both British ships had suffered severe damage to their rigging and were forced to withdraw. Both French ships had also been badly damaged, and were left drifting out of control, unable to unite with Martin’s main fleet.

Martin sought to defend his beleaguered ships, and gave orders for his line to wear in succession so as to cut between the British and the stragglers, now threatened by the arrival of 2 more British ships. Both fleets were now beset by calm, and the French turn caught HMS Lowestoft by surprise, which took heavy damage from Duquesne, but was saved from further loss by the arrival of the Neapolitan frigate Minerva. In turning, Duquesne failed to follow orders effectively, meaning that instead of passing to leeward of the British ships, between the enemy and stragglers, it passed to windward, down the other side of the British vanguard. Hotham had succeed in interposing his ships between the shattered French ships and Martin’s main fleet.

A general action got underway at 8:00 For an hour the French and British vanguards exchanged heavy fire, with Illustrious taking the worst of the exchange, drifting out of the battle heavily damaged. Courageux was the next to suffer, similarly losing 2 masts and with the hull shattered. The French van squadron then pulled away from the drifting British ships, which were unsupported by the becalmed British fleet. The rest of the French fleet had not followed and turned away, the van following. This left the battered Ça Ira and Censeur trapped on the far side of the British fleet, Martin abandoning them to their fate. Isolated, these ships surrendered at 10:05. Without British pursuit, concerted long range firing finally ceased at 2:00 PM. Nelson believed that by abandoning the prizes and disabled ships and closely following the French, Hotham could force an action which might destroy the entire French fleet. So convinced was he that he took a boat to Hotham’s flagship to persuade the admiral. Hotham refused, replying that “We must be contented, we have done very well”. No amount of appeals could move Hotham to continue the action, and soon the French were out of sight. British and Neapolitan total losses amounted to 74 killed and 284 wounded. French losses were not fully accounted, although the cumulative total on the shattered Ça Ira and Censeur was listed in British accounts as approximately 400 casualties.

Martin retreated to Hyères, joined shortly afterwards by the damaged ships from Gourjean Bay and the flagship from Genoa. After separating during the night of March 13, Sans Culotte had sought to rejoin the French fleet but been chased by a Spanish squadron, sheltering in the neutral port until the route back to France was clear. Martin sent the most damaged ships back to Toulon for refit, remaining at anchor off Hyères with 11 ships of the line until April, when he too returned to port, joined by reinforcements from the French Atlantic Fleet.

Although the battle was a British victory, Nelson was privately scathing of Hotham's refusal to renew the action, writing that “I could never have called it well done”. Sir William Hamilton, British ambassador to the Kingdom of Naples, shared Nelson's opinion, writing that “I can, entre nous, perceive that my old friend Hotham is not quite awake enough for such a command as that of the King's fleet in the Mediterranean.” Hotham believed his actions vindicated by the prevention of possible French landings on Corsica.