The Military History Thread

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October 17, 1713
Battle of Pälkäne

Despite the crushing defeat at Poltava in 1709 (see posting), Charles XII of Sweden refused to negotiate for peace. Most of the fighting of the war had to this point taken place outside Swedish territory. The anti-Swedish coalition decided to force Sweden to come to terms by invading it from two directions, Denmark from the south and Russia from the east. However, the Danish army was defeated at the Battle of Helsingborg (see posting) and the original plan was abandoned.

The Swedish army in Finland consisted almost entirely of Finnish soldiers, and was led by Gen. Georg Henrik Lybecker. He was not a popular nor a successful commander. His previous attempted diversionary campaign against St. Petersburg in 1708 had resulted in the Finnish army being severely mauled.

In April 1713, Russian troops under Fyodor Apraxin invaded Finland. An amphibious strategy allowed him to tie down the defending army with part of his force, while a second part would perform an outflanking maneuver by making a coastal landing behind the Swedes. Helsingfors and Porvoo fell early in May, and by August the Russians had advanced to Turku, with Lybecker constantly falling back. His failure to defend Finland led to his replacement in September by Gustaf Armfeldt.

Armfeldt took a strong position on an isthmus between the lakes Pälkänevesi and Mallasvesi in the parish of Pälkäne to defend the next important town, Tampere. He arranged his infantry behind the Kostianvirta River connecting the two lakes across the isthmus. His total strength was 2200 infantry, 1500 cavalry and 28 guns. Apraxin and the Russian army based in nearby Kantokylä, with 9000 infantry, 5400 cavalry and 22 guns.

The strong Swedish position would be difficult to force by frontal attack, so Apraxin applied the formula that had been so successfully used previously in the Finnish campaign. He planned to divert the Finns with a frontal assault while Mikhail Galytsin led an amphibious landing behind the Swedish position by crossing Lake Mallasvesi in the early morning of October 17. When dawn broke the Russians were spotted by the Swedes, who prepared for battle.

The first wave of Galytsin’s troops made a beach landing to the west of Apraxin’s main front. The Swedish cavalry was still in quarters around the village of Mälkilä, but Armfeldt was able to get it moving. His intent was to pin and disorder the Russians with dismounted cavalry units and then strike with a mounted cavalry flank attack. However, because of the delay the Russians were able to organize themselves on the beachhead and the weak cavalry was unable to carry out its mission.

In the east, Apraxin attempted to cross the channel using improvised rafts in 3 groups, with artillery support. However, the defending infantry were able to fend off the assaults. Apraxin kept pressing, mounting several attacks, including one where the Russian cavalry attempted to wade through the lakes to flank the defenders, with no success.

While the stalemate continued in the east, the Russian western beachhead was reinforced with additional infantry. Armfeldt counterattacked with his infantry reserves, and was initially successful but with the underperforming cavalry and the increasing numerical superiority of the Russians, Armfeldt was repulsed; the cavalry was routed.

As the west part of the Swedish army withdrew in disorder, the eastern position became vulnerable to Galytsin’s victorious troops. The Swedish infantry in the east were reluctant to leave as they had been successful during the day, but Armfeldt realized his position was untenable and started withdrawing. Harassed by Russian cavalry, the Swedes abandoned their positions and the majority of their artillery.

The Swedes lost 577 men dead or wounded and 233 captured. Russian losses were 118 dead and 555 wounded.

The armies met again later at Napue in February 1714, where the Russians won a decisive victory. Swedish attempts to hinder the Russians at sea led to defeat at the Battle of Gangut (see posting). This led to the Swedish abandonment of Finland in late 1714. The Russians, however, had little benefit from their conquest, as Finnish partisans continued to wage guerrilla warfare, a period known as the Greater Wrath.

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52 BC
Siege of Gergovia

At the outbreak of the Great Gallic Revolt the Gauls had hoped to prevent Caesar from rejoining his legions in northern Gaul. When this failed Vercingetorix attacked Gorgobina, a move that forced Caesar to pull his legions out of their winter quarters in an attempt to lift the siege. As the Romans moved south they captured a series of towns. Vercingetorix was forced to abandon the siege of Gorgobina, and after a minor cavalry clash at Noviodunum was forced, somewhat against his will, to assist with the defense of Avaricum. Despite his best efforts this town soon fell to the Romans, and was subjected to a ruthless sack and massacre of the population (see posting).

The fall of Avaricum came at the end of the winter and the improving weather convinced Caesar that he to risk a wider campaign. He split his army of 10 legions in half. Four, under Labienus, were sent north into the lands of the Senones and Parisii, who at that point were the most northerly tribes to rebel. Caesar himself led the remaining legions south to attack Gergovia, in the lands of the Arverni, Vercingetorix's own tribe.

Caesar's plan was disrupted by the first signs of trouble within the Aedui, his most loyal Gallic ally. This tribe was ruled by an annually elected magistrate, but this year 2 men, Convictolitanis and Cotus, had been elected by different factions and there was a danger of civil war. Caesar traveled to Aeduan territory, where he found in favor of Convictolitanis. Caesar then requested more cavalry and 10,000 infantry from the Aedui before returning to his legions. Caesar's next problem was a natural obstacle - the River Allier - which was too full to ford. Vercingetorix was guarding the west bank. Caesar would need to cross if he was to reach Gergovia. Eventually he tricked the Gauls by sending 4 of his 6 legions on a noisy march downriver, while he remained in hiding with 2 legions. Once the Gauls had moved after the main force Caesar’s men rebuilt one of the bridges over the river and crossed onto the west bank. Rather than risk a battle on Caesar’s terms Vercingetorix retreated south to Gergovia, where he camped on a series of hills close to the town.

Gergovia was built in a strong position on a steep hill. On arrival Caesar realized that he wouldn't be able to storm the city, and decided to prepare for a formal siege. Initially all 6 legions camped together, but after a few days Caesar decided to capture a small hill that he hoped would limit the defenders’ access to fresh water. 2 legions were posted in a small camp on this hill, with the remaining legions in the main camp on the plains. The camps were linked by a double trench 12 feet wide which allowed the Romans to pass safely between them.

The Romans were not given the chance to conduct their regular siege. Convictolitanis, Caesar’s choice as chief magistrate of the Aedui, decided to join Vercingetorix. He appointed Litavicus, one of his allies, to command the 10,000 infantry that was going to join Caesar. When this force was a few days march from the Roman camp Litavicus claimed that the Romans had massacred every Aedui in their camp, and produced witnesses who claimed to have witnessed the events. The Aedui reacted predictably, killing the Roman envoys with the army and preparing to march to join Vercingetorix at Gergovia.

This first crisis was quickly defused. Eporedirix, a high ranking cavalry commander who was one of the men Litavicus claimed had been killed, discovered what was happening and informed Caesar. Caesar reacted by leading 4 legions to intercept the 10,000 Aeduan infantry. When the two forces came face to face Caesar sent Eporedirix into the Aeduan camp, and Litavicus’ plan promptly collapsed. He was forced to flee to Vercingetorix, and his men submitted to Caesar, who used them later in the siege. However, before his fall Litavicus had sent messengers back into Aedui territory to spread the story. Convictolanis used these stories to inflame a general revolt, which quickly spread throughout the tribe.

When this news reached Caesar he realized that he would have to abandon the siege of Gergovia and move north to reunite all of his legions. His problem was how to retreat without it actually looking like that was what he had done.

A chance for a minor success soon presented itself. For most of the siege the hill that contained the Gallic camp had been heavily defended, but one morning the Romans realized that most of the garrison had disappeared. Prisoners revealed that the Gauls were building fortifications on a different part of the hills to prevent the Romans from cutting them off. Caesar decided to attack the Gallic camp, a success that would allow him to retreat from Gergovia without losing face. According to Caesar’s account that was as far as the attack was meant to go - once the camp was captured they were to hold their ground and advance no further.

The attack quickly captured the Gallic camp, nearly taking one Gallic king prisoner. Caesar then gave the signal to halt, but only the 10th Legion obeyed the order. Led by a number of centurions who Caesar states were driven by greed, the rest of the attacking force attempted to storm the walls. A small force led by the centurion Lucius Fabius even reached the top of the walls, but the Roman attack ended in chaos. Gallic reinforcements soon reached the crisis point, and the outnumbered Romans on the walls were cut off and killed. Caesar had sent his Aeduan allies on a diversionary attack to the right, but when they returned from this attack they were mistaken for hostile Gallic reinforcements, causing a panic. Only the 10th Legion and some cohorts from the 13th prevented the chaos from turning into a rout and eventually the Romans were able to return to their camps. The failed attack on the walls cost them nearly 700 men.

On the next day Caesar censured his men for their rashness and for disobeying his orders. He was still looking for a way to abandon the siege with some credit, and so after haranguing his men he led them out of their camp and the army formed up in order of battle. Vercingetorix refused to take the bait. Caesar portrayed this as being unwilling to risk a battle against the superior Roman army, and on the following day led his men back up the Allier. A few days later they were able to ford the Loire and the entire army was reunited in the lands of the Senones.

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October 18, 1805
Battle of Verona

At the beginning of August 1805, Napoleon gave up his plan for invading Britain in order to move to Germany to smash the Austrian army. With 7 corps, a cavalry corps, the Imperial Guard, and Bavarian allies, Napoleon committed 194,000 troops to the campaign in Germany. On August 26, he gave the order to march and a month later his troops were crossing the Rhine.

Thanks to an elaborate spy network, Napoleon was aware that the Austrians deployed their largest army in Italy. The emperor desired that Archduke Charles’ army not be allowed to influence events in southern Germany. Marshal André Masséna, whose army counted only 48,000 troops, looked to his defenses. In 1805 the Adige was the boundary between French Lombardy and Austrian Venetia. On the west side, Masséna placed 5000 garrison troops in the fortresses of the Quadrilateral - Verona, Legnago, Peschiera, and Mantua.

On September 5, 1805, Archduke Charles, Karl Friedrich von Lindenau, and Anton Mayer von Heldensfeld drew up the Austrian strategic plan. This strategy largely conformed to an earlier plan worked out by Charles, Karl Mack von Leiberich, and Karl Philipp, Prince of Schwarzenberg. However, Mayer convinced Charles and Lindenau to transfer troops from Italy to Germany, where Mack was pressing for an invasion of the Electorate of Bavaria. Archduke Charles disagreed with Mack’s aggressive strategy. When Emperor Francis I asked his opinion, Charles wrote that Mack was making a serious blunder. Nevertheless, the emperor allowed Mack to proceed. Fearing the worst in Bavaria, Charles took up a defensive posture in Italy, even though he knew he outnumbered Masséna.

The archduke posted Johann von Hiller’s 22,000 troops in the Italian Tyrol. The archduke lined the east bank of the Adige from Verona to Legnago with 40,000 soldiers and he held a 30,000-man central reserve at Caldiero. Of these troops, Count Heinrich von Bellegarde watched Verona, with the division of Vukassovich northeast of the city and the divisions of Joseph Simbschen and Andreas O'Reilly von Ballinlough to the east. Eugène-Guillaume Argenteau's divisions manned the line at Caldiero. Paul Davidovich defended the Adige near Legnago.

Masséna began concentrating his army. He intended to mass his striking force of 5 infantry and 2 cavalry divisions near Verona. He planned to have Jean-Antoine Verdier’s division, supported by Charles Randon de Pully’s cavalry division, divert Austrian attention by making a probe farther south.

To play for time, Napoleon authorized Masséna to propose a truce. Archduke Charles accepted. On September 29, a convention was drawn up whereby the armies would not begin fighting until 6 days after one side notified the other. A week later, Masséna sent word to Charles that hostilities would begin on October 14. On October 17 Charles received word that Napoleon was in Munich. Foreseeing the disastrous outcome of the Ulm Campaign, the archduke made plans to withdraw from Italy. But first he would have to defend himself against French attack.

Directly east of Verona was the suburb of Veronetta, which the Austrians had heavily fortified. In addition, the bridges between Verona and Veronetta were well-covered by Austrian artillery. Therefore, Masséna turned his eyes to the west side of Verona, the suburb of San Giorgio, which was accessible by a stone bridge known as the Castelvecchio Bridge. Josef Vukassovich was responsible for defending the area. The Austrian commander had a wall built across the center of the bridge and fortified San Giorgio. However, Vukassovich only allocated 2 battalions to its defense. He deployed 6 battalions in the hills northeast of Verona, while the remainder of his division lay farther north, maintaining contact with Hiller’s corps.

Masséna decided to personally command the bridge assault. Stripping the 24 voltiguer (light infantry) companies from the battalions in Gardanne’s and Duhesme’s divisions, the he formed them into a storming column. The voltiguers were supported by a sapper battalion and a light artillery company, and backed by Gardanne’s division.

In the early hours of October 18, Masséna led his storming column silently onto the Castelvecchio Bridge. The sappers set charges which destroyed the wall, and the French column surged forward. After quickly overrunning the Austrian outposts, the voltiguers attacked San Giorgio. Gen. Louis Fursy Henri Compère advanced to support the attack, while Vukassovich reinforced the defenders with 2 battalions. Sometime after 10 AM, San Giorgio fell to the French. Soon afterward, Vukassovich had the Archduke Ferdinand Hussar Regiment # 3 and Hannibal Sommariva’s Grenz infantry on hand. The Austrian commander hurled his hussars at Compère's brigade. The French formed square, and with the help of artillery firing across the river, drove off the Austrian cavalry.

Around noon, Verdier mounted a diversionary attack. Easily penetrating Joseph Radetzky’s screen, he crossed the Adige at Albaredo d’Adige with 2 battalions. Believing that the action at Verona was the diversion and the crossing at Albaredo was the real attack, Archduke Charles marched against Verdier with 3 columns. By the time he arrived at Albaredo, Verdier had withdrawn safely to the French side of the Adige. Masséna also ordered Jean Mathieu Seras to mount a diversion in the north. Leaving part of his division at Rivoli, Seras demonstrated in front of Pescantina, 6 miles west of Verona. This action froze half of Vukassovich’s division, which remained watching Seras and never got into action.

By 5 PM, San Leonardo fell to the French after severe fighting, allowing Masséna's troops to occupy the heights and press to the east. At this time, Bellegarde appeared with Andreas O'Reilly’s and Joseph Simbschen’s divisions at the hamlet of San Felice in the Val Pantena, northeast of Verona. Bellegarde pushed back the French a short distance until darkness and fatigue ended the fighting.

One historian puts French losses at 77 dead and 246 wounded, while stating Austrians casualties as246 killed and 906 wounded. A second authority writes that the French counted 150 killed and 300 wounded, while Austrian losses numbered 1622 killed, wounded, and captured, and 4 cannons.

Masséna failed to capture Veronetta, but he carved out a bridgehead on the heights northeast of Verona. Angry that Vukassovich failed to stop the attack, Archduke Charles dismissed him and replaced him with Prince Franz Seraph of Rosenberg-Orsini. The archduke believed that Vukassovich could have repulsed the first French assault if he had defended the bridge with more troops.

Even so, Charles had sufficient troops to attack the French bridgehead. Instead, he contented himself with holding Veronetta, placing Johann Maria Philipp Frimont’s brigade in the suburb of San Michele, east of Veronetta, and ordering Rosenberg to hold the Val Pantena. The Austrian commander withdrew the rest of Bellegarde’s Right Wing into the Caldiero lines. Massena reinforced his bridgehead with all of Gardanne’s and Duhesme’s divisions. Both Charles and Massena later explained away their subsequent inaction by claiming that they were awaiting events in Germany.

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October 19, 1864
St. Albans Raid

Canadians viewed New England Yankees with a jaundiced eye. Many considered New Englanders to be expansionist, unfriendly neighbors. Officially Canada remained neutral during the American Civil War. But Montreal provided a headquarters for expatriate Confederates to plot against the Union war effort. One ongoing plot involved an effort to incite rioting and insurrection in New England cities, which prompted the Union to post soldiers in Boston. John Wilkes Booth schemed with Confederates in Canada. The details of his nine-day trip to Montreal remain a mystery, because his Canadian friends sank into the woodwork after he assassinated President Lincoln.

Canada also played host to Luke Pryor Blackburn, a physician from Kentucky who supported the Confederates. Blackburn was gathering supplies for the Confederate States in Canada. He also helped harass Union supply ships operating in Canada. Then yellow fever broke out in Bermuda. Blackburn was ordered there to tend to expatriate Confederates stricken with yellow fever. Upon his return to Canada, Blackburn is accused of shipping the clothing and blankets of yellow fever victims to Boston, Philadelphia and Washington. He allegedly intended to spread the disease in those cities. Historians debate the evidence against Blackburn, though most agree he at least tacitly approved the plot.

These Confederate operations fell outside the regular army. They were under the Confederate Secret Service, a loose collection of spy organizations that operated in support of the regular army. Most of their records were destroyed during the war. But one of the most concrete activities of the group remains undisputed – the raid on St. Albans.

Kentuckian Bennett Young had been captured after the defeat of Morgan’s Raid the year before, but managed to escape to Canada. After meeting with Confederate agents in Montreal, he returned to the Confederacy, where he proposed raids on the Union from the Canada-US border to force the Union Army to divert troops from the South and to raise money for the Confederate treasury. Young was commissioned as a lieutenant and returned to Canada, where he recruited other escaped Confederates for a raid on St. Albans, Vermont, a quiet city just 15 miles from the border.

Young and 2 others checked into a local hotel on October 10, saying they had come from St. John's, Canada East (now St-Jean-sur-Richelieu, Quebec), for a “sporting vacation”. 2-3 more men arrived daily, until by October 19, 21 Confederate raiders had assembled. Meanwhile, they scoped out three banks in the city: the Franklin County Bank, the First National and the St. Albans Bank.

When the raid commenced at 3 PM on the 19th. the town was largely emptied of working men. Lt. Young stepped onto the common and declared he was taking possession of St. Albans. Residents were forced to swear an oath to the Confederacy, and Young and his raiders looted the three banks, making off with $208,000 ($3,250,000 in 2018) in just 15 minutes. During the robberies, 8-9 Confederates held the villagers at gunpoint on the village green, taking their horses to prevent pursuit. Several armed villagers tried to resist, and one was killed and another wounded. Young ordered his men to burn the city, but the 4-fluid-ounce (120 ml) bottles of Greek fire they used failed to ignite, and only one shed was destroyed by fire.

Once the townspeople in St. Albans figured out what was happening, they quickly formed a posse to pursue the raiders back to Canada. Governor General Monck ordered out the militia, who captured 14 raiders and recovered $88,000. However, a Canadian court ruled that because they were soldiers under military orders, neutral Canada could not extradite them. Canada freed the raiders, but returned to St. Albans the money they had found. The rest of the money, however, was never seen again. (Some suspect that one of the raiders kept a large portion of the money and used it to open a bank in Texas after the war.)

As an unintended consequence, the raid served to turn many Canadians against the Confederacy, since they felt that Canada was being drawn into the conflict without its consent. The Confederate agents in Canada realized this and no further raids were made.

The Chicago Tribune urged the North to invade Canada to “...take Canada by the throat and throttle her as a St. Bernard would a poodle pup.” President Lincoln announced that Canadians would now have to produce passports to gain entry to the Untied States. The Reciprocity Treaty of 1854, which abolished the duties on many goods moving across the Canada-U.S. border, was revoked. In Canada, the incident left a climate of anxiety and a fresh resolve toward Confederation.

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October 20, 1587
Battle of Coutras

The Wars of Religion had begun in 1562, with temporary periods of nominal peace that were often also violent. King Henry III conducted a conciliatory policy, reflected in the enactment of the Edict of Beaulieu in 1576 and the Edict of Poitiers the following year. But a new crisis arose as the result of the death of the king's brother, Francis of Alencon, when the Huguenot, Henry of Navarre, became heir presumptive to the throne. The Catholic League, led by the Duke of Guise, then set the kingdom against the king.

On July 18, 1585, Henry III promulgated an edict canceling all previous edicts, giving precedence to Catholics, paying the mercenaries of the League from the Royal Treasury, prohibiting Protestantism in France, and ordering the return of Protestant strongholds. Protestants were expelled from power. And while the Guise party won appointments and favors, Henry of Navarre was deprived of his functions. This was effectively a declaration of war against the Protestants. Henry of Navarre sought support, initially without success. The “private bull” by Pope Sixtus V brought him a measure of support from French royalists; joined by the Politiques francais, supporters of religious tolerance (such as the Governor of Languedoc, Montmorency-Damville) and later England and Denmark, but only after the success of Spain in its fight against the Protestants of the Netherlands.

In the early spring of 1587 a Royal army led by Anne, Duke of Joyeuse, one of Henry III’s favorites, advanced west against Henry of Navarre. Navarre decided to retreat into La Rochelle, leaving Joyeuse free to recapture a number of places that had fallen to the Huguenots, including Saint Maixent, Tonnay Charente and Maillezais. Some of these successes were accompanied by massacres of the defenders, which greatly angered many of the Huguenots and would later cost Joyeuse his life. They also cost him the support of Henry III, and in an attempt to restore his position he returned to Paris.

Once Joyeuse had gone, Navarre left La Rochelle and moved northeast to the southern bank of the Loire, in a successful attempt to help the Count of Soissons to change sides. Soissons had been raised as a Catholic, but was now disillusioned with the Court, and moved to Montsoreau on the Loire between Tours and Angers, with reinforcement from the north of France. After collecting Soissons, Navarre returned to La Rochelle to pick up his artillery, and then moved south towards Gascony to join up with more reinforcements. His plan after that was probably to turn east to join up with an army of German and Swiss troops coming from Alsace.

By now Joyeuse had realized that his position at court was vulnerable, and decided that he needed a military success to secure his position. He rejoined his army at Poitiers, where he received a call for help from Marshal Matignon, the Royalist commander around Bordeaux, who had realized where Navarre was heading. He promised to meet Joyeuse with 4000 men, and the Duke decided to move south in response. The two armies were now heading south on almost parallel courses, heading for the small town of Coutras. Navarre’s route took him southeast from La Rochelle to Archiac and then south to Montlieu. Joyeuse was a little further to the east. Both needed to cross the River Isle using bridges just to the south of Coutras, which lies between the Isle to the south and the Dronne to the northwest.

Henry’s men were the first to cross the Dronne, and by the night of October 19 his army was across the river and quartered in the town of Coutras. Joyeuse crossed over further north, and prepared to camp at La Roche Chalais, 10 miles to the northeast. However when he discovered that Henry was close by he ordered an overnight march to close up with the Huguenots before they could escape.

Henry took up a position on the plain north of Coutras. His left flank was protected by the Dronne and a wood containing one of its tributary books, and his right by the park and warren of a chateaux built by Marshal Lautrec, a French commander during the Italian Wars. Henry’s line formed a slight crescent, with the centre bulging forward. The three Bourbon princes, Navarre, Condé and Soissons, each commanded a cavalry force in the center, with Navarre in the center with around 300 men, Soissons on his left and Condé on his right. The Gascon cavalry under Turenne and the light horse under Trémouille were on Condé’s right. Most of the infantry was posted on the flanks, but there were also bodies of 25 arquebusiers posted between each cavalry squadron, with orders to fire only if the foe got within 20 paces. Henry also had 2-5 cannon, which he positioned very skillfully.

On the Royalist side Joyeuse was in the center with around 1200 lances, and 500 men at arms under Montigny. On his left Lavardin’s 400 light horse faced Turenne. His infantry was also on the flanks. Joyeuse had more cannon, but they were badly placed.

All of the sources agree that Navarre was outnumbered, but there is little agreement on the exact size of the two armies. Navarre is given somewhere between 5500 and 7000 men, Joyeuse between 7000 and 12,000. The Royalists had more artillery and cavalry, but probably not by a very large margin.

The battle began with a small scale artillery duel in which the well placed Huguenot guns did better than the poorly placed Catholic guns, inflicting heavy casualties. Joyeuse then gave Lavardin permission to charge, supported by the infantry on the Royalist left. Lavardin defeated Turenne’s Gascons and pursued them back to Coutras, but his infantry was repulsed in the park around the castle. Some of the Gascons rallied, and they and Tremouille then took up a position behind Condé.

Joyeuse then ordered his main cavalry force to advance. As the lancers began to move, Navarre called for a prayer, and his Huguenots knelt to pray, apparently convincing some of their opponents that they were about to give up in fear. They then rose to their feet and chanted the 118th Psalm. They were given the time to do this because the Royalists had to advance about a mile to reach the Huguenot lines. The Royal cavalry was said to have been an impressive sight, but the charge soon slowed to a canter, and disorder began to set in. The force slowed further as it had to advance up the slight hill Navarre was positioned on. Towards the end of the charge they also realized that the Huguenot cavalry was split into 3 forces, and part of the left and right of the Catholic force had to split off to face them, leaving open flanks on both sides of Joyeuse’s main force.

When the advancing Royalists were within 20 paces, the Huguenots opened fire, and their men at arms then charged. They were fresher than the Royalists, and very quickly had the best of the fighting. Joyeuse was killed, after his opponent refused to accept a 100,000 crown ransom because of the earlier massacres. His brother Saint Sauveur was also killed. The battle began at 9 AM and was over by 10. A 3-hour pursuit followed, which almost reached Chalais, 18 miles to the north.

The Royalists lost 300-400 noblemen and 2-3000 infantry killed during the battle. The Huguenots only admitted to 25-32 deaths. This was the first major battlefield victory for the Huguenots, but Henry failed to take advantage of it. He decided not to try and join up with the Swiss and German troops advancing into France to help him, leaving them to be defeated at Vimory (October 26) and Auneau (November 24). In the aftermath of this second defeat the Germans accepted an offer of safe conduct, and left France.

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274
Battle of Chalons

The Roman Crisis of the Third Century intensified as Emperor Valerian was defeated and captured by the Sassanid Empire of Persia in the Battle of Edessa (260), together with a large part of the Roman field army in the east. This left his son Gallienus in very shaky control. Shortly thereafter, the Palmyrene Empire also broke away. The governors in Pannonia staged unsuccessful local revolts. The Emperor left for the Danube to attend to their disruption. This left Postumus, governor of Germania Superior and Inferior, in charge at the Rhine border. An exceptional administrator, Postumus had also protected Germania Inferior against an invasion led by the Franks in the summer of 260. In fact, Postumus defeated the Frankish forces at Empel so decisively, that there would be no further Germanic raids for 10 years. This all would have combined to make Postumus one of the most powerful men in the western reaches of the Roman empire.

The imperial heir Saloninus and the praetorian prefect Silvanus remained at Colonia Agrippina (Cologne), to keep the young heir out of danger and perhaps also as a check on Postumus’ ambitions. Before long, however, Postumus besieged Colonia Agrippina and put the young heir and his guardian to death, making his revolt official. Postumus is thought to have established his capital at Cologne or Augusta Treverorum (Trier) and established what has become known as the Gallic Empire. The Empire had its own praetorian guard, 2 annually elected consuls and probably its own senate.

Postumus successfully fended off a military incursion by Gallienus in 263, and was never challenged by him again. However, in early 268 he was challenged by Laelianus, probably one of his commanders, who was declared emperor at Mogontiacum (Mainz) by his Legio XXII Primigenia. Postumus quickly retook Mogontiacum and Laelianus was killed. Postumus himself, however, was overthrown and killed by his own troops, reportedly because he did not allow them to sack the city.

After the death of Postumus, the Gallic Empire began to decline. Emperor Claudius II Gothicus re-established Roman authority in Gallia Narbonensis and parts of Gallia Aquitania, and there is some evidence that the provinces of Hispania, which did not recognize the subsequent Gallic Emperors, may have re-aligned with Rome.

Marius was instated as Emperor upon Postumus' death, but died very shortly after; ancient sources writing much later state that he reigned only 2 days, though it is more likely, from the numismatic record, that he reigned for a few months. Subsequently Victorinus came to power, being recognized as Emperor in northern Gaul and Britannia, but not in Hispania. Victorinus spent most of his reign dealing with insurgencies and attempting to recover the Gallic territories taken by Claudius. He was assassinated in 271, but his mother Victoria took control of his troops and used her power to influence the selection of his successor. With Victoria's support, Tetricus was made Emperor, and was recognized in Britannia and the parts of Gaul still controlled by the Empire. Tetricus fought off Germanic barbarians who had begun ravaging Gaul after the death of Victorinus, and was able to retake Gallia Aquitania and western Gallia Narbonensis while Roman Emperor Aurelian was engaging Queen Zenobia’s Palmyrene Empire in the east (see posting, Palmyrene War). He established the imperial court at Trier, and in 273 he elevated his son, also named Tetricus, to the rank of Caesar. The following year the younger Tetricus was made co-consul, but the Empire grew weak from internal strife, including a mutiny led by the usurper Faustinus. By that time Aurelian had defeated the Palmyrene Empire and had made plans to reconquer the west.

Tetricus ordered his troops to leave the Rhine and march southward, where they met the Roman army in the Catalunian fields of Chalons-sur-Marne. Aurelian's army was better trained and well commanded, and when Tetricus was captured in the midst of the fighting, the Rhine army disintegrated and was torn apart by Aurelian’s troops. The battle was remembered for years for its high death toll. Tetricus and his son were taken to Rome and paraded in a triumph. Tetricus was spared further punishment; instead, Aurelian made him a Roman administrator, overseeing the region of Lucania in southern Italy.

Historians dispute whether Tetricus actually wished to fight at Chalons. Various older accounts portray him as unhappy with his position as Gallic emperor. According to these, Tetricus deliberately placed his army in a disadvantageous situation, and deserted at the outset of the battle, having previously arranged the elaborate treachery with Aurelian. However, modern historians have demurred, considering the story propaganda fomented by Aurelian. As a simple matter of logic, Aurelian might have prevented the heavy casualties to his army by having Tetricus surrender. The empire was in desperate need of manpower and the slaughter of Chalons left the Rhine frontier dangerously exposed. In the years to come, Alemanni and Franks pillaged the Rhineland.

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October 21, 1904
Dogger Bank Incident

In October 1904, the Russian Baltic Fleet was en route to the Far East, to reinforce the 1st Pacific Squadron stationed at Port Arthur, during the Russo-Japanese War. Because of the fleet’s alleged sightings of balloons and 4 enemy cruisers, coupled with “the possibility that the Japanese might surreptitiously have sent ships around the world to attack” them, the Russian admiral, Zinovy Rozhestvensky, called for increased vigilance, issuing an order that “no vessel of any sort must be allowed to get in among the fleet”, and to prepare to fire upon any vessels failing to identify themselves.

Nervousness affected the Russian fleet: there was a general fear of attack, with widespread rumors that Japanese torpedo boats were stationed off the Danish coast, talk of the Japanese having mined the seas, and alleged sightings of Japanese submarines. Before the Dogger Bank incident, the nervous Russian fleet fired on fishermen bringing them consular dispatches from Russia, near the Danish coast, without causing any damage due to poor gunnery.

After navigating a non-existent minefield, the Russian fleet sailed into the North Sea. On the evening of October 21, the captain of the supply ship Kamchatka, which was last in the Russian line, took a passing Swedish ship for a Japanese torpedo boat and radioed that he was under attack. Later that night, in a thick fog, the officers on duty sighted British fishing trawlers, interpreted their signals incorrectly and classified them as Japanese torpedo boats, despite being more than 20,000 miles from Japan. The Russian warships illuminated the trawlers with searchlights and opened fire. The trawler Crane was sunk, and its captain and first mate were killed. 4 other trawlers were damaged, and 6 other fishermen were wounded, 1 of whom died a few months later. As the trawlers had their nets down, they were unable to flee and, in the general chaos, Russian ships shot at each other: the cruisers Aurora and Dmitri Donskoi were taken for Japanese warships and attacked by 7 battleships, damaging both and killing a chaplain and at least 1 sailor and severely wounding another. During the pandemonium, several Russian ships signaled torpedoes had hit them, and on board the battleship Borodino rumors spread that the ship was being boarded by the Japanese, with some crews donning life vests and lying prone on the deck, and others drawing cutlasses. More serious losses to both sides were only avoided by the extremely low quality of Russian gunnery, with the battleship Oryol reportedly firing more than 500 shells without hitting anything. After 20 minutes’ firing the fishermen saw a blue light signal on one of the warships, the order to cease firing.

The incident led to a serious diplomatic conflict between Russia and Britain, which was particularly dangerous due to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. Some British newspapers called the Russian fleet ‘pirates’ and Rozhestvensky was heavily criticized for not leaving the British sailors lifeboats. The editorial of the morning’s Times was particularly scathing: “It is almost inconceivable that any men calling themselves seamen, however frightened they might be, could spend twenty minutes bombarding a fleet of fishing boats without discovering the nature of their target.”

The Royal Navy prepared for war, with 28 battleships of the Home Fleet being ordered to raise steam and prepare for action, while British cruiser squadrons shadowed the Russian fleet as it made its way through the Bay of Biscay and down the coast of Portugal. Under diplomatic pressure, the Russian government agreed to investigate the incident, and Rozhestvensky was ordered to dock in Vigo, Spain, where he left behind those officers considered responsible (as well as at least one officer who had been critical of him). From Vigo, the main Russian fleet then approached Tangier and lost contact with the Kamchatka for several days. The Kamchatka eventually rejoined the fleet and claimed that she had engaged 3 Japanese warships and fired over 300 shells: the ships she had actually fired at were a Swedish merchantman, a German trawler, and a French schooner. As the fleet left Tangier, one ship accidentally severed the city’s underwater telegraph cable with her anchor, preventing communications with Europe for 4 days.

Due to concerns that the draught of the newer battleships (which had proven to be considerably greater than designed) would prevent their passage through the Suez Canal, the fleet separated after leaving Tangier on November 3. The newer battleships and a few cruisers proceeded around the Cape of Good Hope, while the older battleships and lighter cruisers made their way through the Suez Canal. They planned to rendezvous in Madagascar and both sections of the fleet successfully completed this part of the journey. The fleet then proceeded to the Sea of Japan where it was soundly defeated in the Battle of Tsushima.

On November 25, 1904, the British and the Russian governments signed a joint agreement in which they agreed to submit the issue to an international commission of inquiry whose proceedings were to be based on the Hague Convention. The International Commission met in Paris from January 9 to February 25, 1905. The report produced concluded that: “the commissioners declare that their findings, which are therein formulated, are not, in their opinion, of a nature to cast any discredit upon the military qualities or the humanity of Admiral Rozhdestvensky, or of the personnel of his squadron”. It also concluded as follows: “the commissioners take pleasure in recognizing, unanimously, that Admiral Rozhestvensky personally did everything he could, from beginning to end of the incident, to prevent trawlers, recognized as such, from being fired upon by the squadron”.

Russia voluntarily paid a compensation of £66,000 to the fishermen. In 1906 the Fisherman’s Memorial was unveiled in Hull to commemorate the deaths of the 3 British sailors. The statue shows the dead fisherman George Henry Smith and carries the following inscription: “Erected by public subscription to the memory of George Henry Smith (skipper) and William Richard Legget (third hand), of the steam-trawler Crane, who lost their lives through the action of the Russian Baltic Fleet in the North Sea, 22 October 1904, and Walter Whelpton, skipper of the trawler Mino, who died through shock, May 1905”.

[Ennath]

October 22, 1948
Sinking of the Emir Farouk

In March 1948, the embryo Israeli Navy purchased 6 refurbished MT type explosive motor boats in Italy. Boats of these type served the Italian Navy’s X MAS Flotilla in World War II and proved effective against British targets, especially in the raid on Suda Bay (March 26, 1941). Explosive motorboats were designed to make a silent approach to a moored warship, set a collision course and run in full gear until the last 100 yards to the target, when the pilot would eject after locking the rudder. At impact, the hull would be broken amidships by a small explosive charge, sinking the boat and the warhead, which was fitted with a water-pressure fuse set to go off at a depth of one meter. Training on the first boats to arrive was done in the Sea of Galilee, with the Italian sailor Fiorenzo Capriotti teaching the Israelis how to use them. More training was done later near Jaffa.

In August 1948, the naval service's boat unit (officially, the Rescue Boat Unit), commanded by Yohai Bin-Nun and later transformed through merger into Flotilla 13, the Israeli naval commando unit, received the motorboats. The assembly and preparation of all the boats was not completed until the final days of Operation Yoav (October 15-22). The assembly of the boats, the training, and indeed the existence of the unit were so secret that even Paul Shulman, deputy commander of the naval service, was not in on it.

The raiders themselves prepared 4 boats to be used in future operations. After believing that they could operate independently, but being proven wrong in training, the naval service decided to store the boats aboard INS Ma'oz (a former yacht used to run the British blockade before independence), due to its stern’s construction and because the Ma'oz had poor armament and could not be counted on in ship-to-ship combat. Contrary to the practicw of the Italian units in World War II, the Israelis sought to prevent their crews from being taken prisoner. Therefore, a special rescue boat was allocated to retrieve the raiders, leaving 3 actual attack boats. Bin Nun engineered a lasso-like belt that would be cast into the water by the rescue crew, the swimmer would put his arm into it, and be hauled onto the boat.

On October 22 at 1610, 2 Egyptian ships were spotted off the Gaza coast - the flagship of the Egyptian Navy, the Emir Farouk, and a YMS class minesweeper. Emir Farouk was a sloop launched in 1926 as a passenger cargo ship before conversion to military service in 1936. She displaced 1440 tons, could make 17 knots and was armed with a 6-pounder (57mm) gun and 4 machine guns.

The operation against them was preceded by a difficulty of obtaining permission. Gershon Zak, head of the naval service, and Paul Shulman, his deputy and head of the main flotilla, supported the operation, while chief of operations Yigal Yadin opposed, in light of an impending ceasefire and lack of prior experience with this method of warfare. The Israeli high command had issued an order to cease all attacks by 1500 that day, and reiterated it at 1730. Meanwhile, Shulman, aboard one of the ships, repeatedly sent requests to Zak for permission to attack. Zak appealed personally to David Ben-Gurion, who was concerned for the operation's chances. He consented in the end, by which time Shulman had told his crews that the attack would not be taking place. They were rousted again after official permission was granted at 1810.

At 1840, INS Ma'oz detached from the rest of the flotilla and sailed to a spot 7 nautical miles northwest of Gaza. The spot was calculated based on the ship’s ability to intercept fleeing Egyptian vessels by sailing south, and the expected light during such an encounter (the moonlight would reveal the Egyptians while hiding the Israelis). Additionally, the ship was ordered to stay put in its location, so that despite its camouflage, the returning Israeli sailors would be able to find it. However, it turned out that Ma’oz went further south than it was supposed to.

Ma’oz released its 4 boats at 2110, and by 2200, the boats were close to the Egyptian vessels. 2 of the boats were intended for the actual attack, 1 as a reserve, and 1 to collect the commandos after the operation. The Israeli sailors used helmets with infrared lights to ease the extraction process. The Egyptians, believing that a ceasefire was already in effect, had their lights on and were easy to spot. Despite this, according to a later Israeli estimate, they had been on full alert. Because the Egyptian ships were facing one another, Bin-Nun decided to attack the bows of the Emir Farouk and the minesweeper. This would make it more difficult for the Egyptians to fire at the boats should they spot them, because they could hit each other.

While the Israelis were preparing, the Egyptians started moving: Emir Farouk went north and the minesweeper south. This hastened the Israeli attack. The first boat’s attack caused the Egyptians to open a random fire. The second boat mistakenly turned to attack the Emir Farouk as well. Boat 2’s crewman failed to eject due to a technical difficulty, but managed to turn around and strike again. In the dark, Boat 1 believed that Boat 2 was the extraction boat and caught on, but detached well before it rammed into the Egyptian ship. All this also confused the rescue boat, moving toward the Emir Farouk.

The Emir Farouk sank in about 5 minutes. Yohai Bin-Nun, who was in the reserve boat, noticed the mistake made by Boat 2, and himself rammed the minesweeper. He was spotted and fired at, and managed to eject only 40 yards short of the target. The minesweeper suffered significant damage, but did not sink and was hauled back to Alexandria. It was subsequently scrapped. Egyptian artillery opened a barrage on the general area, but did not spot their targets. The extraction boat collected the commandos and remained in the area to assess the damage, estimating about 200-300 Egyptian survivors. At 2225 it started moving toward where it believed the Ma’oz was. The commandos, despite spotting it from a very close range, found the Ma’oz closer than they had thought, and by 2310 all the commandos were back on board.

The operation was top-secret and unknown to the media. INS Ma'oz stayed at sea for 3 days to cover its tracks. The operation strengthened the notion that the Israeli navy could not be solely a conventional one, and had instead to incorporate naval commandos and other small weapon systems as an integral part of its doctrine.

[Ennath]

October 23, 1864
Battle of Westport

In September 1864, Sterling Price led his Army of Missouri into Missouri, with the hope of capturing the state for the South and turning the Northern people against Abraham Lincoln in the presidential election of 1864. Maj. Gen. William Rosecrans, commanding the Federal Department of the Missouri, began assembling troops to repel the invasion. Rosecrans’ cavalry under Alfred Pleasonton set out in pursuit of Price’s force, accompanied by a large detachment of infantry from the Army of the Tennessee under Andrew Smith. After his defeat at the Battle of Ft. Davidson (September 27), Price realized that St. Louis was far too heavily defended for his rather small force (12,000 men), so he turned west to threaten Jefferson City, the state capital. After light skirmishing there, Price again decided that this target was also too heavily defended and moved further west toward Ft. Leavenworth. As he marched on, disease and desertion coupled with battlefield losses to whittle Price's force down to 8500 men.

Maj. Gen. Samuel Curtis, commander of the Federal Department of Kansas, now faced the threat of Price’s army moving into his department after learning of Confederate movements from scouts including Wild Bill Hickok. Curtis accordingly assembled his troops into a force that he named the Army of the Border. James Blunt was recalled from Indian campaigns to lead its 1st Division, composed mostly of volunteer regiments and some Kansas militia. Curtis was initially able to muster only about 4000 volunteers; he asked Kansas governor Thomas Carney to call out the state militia to bolster his forces. Carney immediately suspected Curtis of attempting to draw the militia away from their voting districts, as election time was nearing. Carney was unconcerned with Price’s force far away in Missouri, and felt it posed no threat to Kansas. However, once Price had turned west, Carney relented and George Dietzler took command of a division of Kansas Militia that now joined Curtis.

Curtis sent the bulk of 1st Division to confront the Confederates at Lexington, 40 miles east of Kansas City, on October 19. Blunt was unable to stop Price, but did slow his progress and gathered information on the Confederate forces. Again, at the Little Blue River on October 21, Blunt was forced to retire, but not without slowing Price enough for Pleasonton to close the gap between himself and the Rebels. Additional fighting occurred the next day at Independence, with Price victorious again. Curtis was nearly 60 years old, and age had taken a toll on his desire for combat; however, thanks to his aggressive subordinate Gen. Blunt, Curtis decided to make another stand south of Westport. Blunt personally oversaw the construction of a defensive line south of the town along Brush Creek, perpendicular to the Kansas state line.

Price was aware of the forces to his front and rear, which together outnumbered him nearly 3-1, so he determined to deal with them one at a time. He decided to attack Curtis first, at Westport. Almost as old as his adversary, Price left direction of the engagement to his subordinate Jo Shelby. With about 500 wagons and 5000 head of cattle, Price first needed a ford for his supply trains to cross the Blue River near Westport. One of Price’s divisions under John Marmaduke accordingly forced a crossing at Byram’s Ford on the 22nd, then took up positions on the west bank to hold off Pleasonton, who now threatened Price’s rear. Two other Confederate divisions, under Shelby and James Fagan, were poised to assault Blunt along Brush Creek the next day, hoping to defeat him before Pleasonton could arrive in force.

Blunt had positioned 3 brigades along Brush Creek, while a 4th under Charles Blair was en route from Kansas City. At daybreak on the 23rd, Blunt opened the battle by sending the brigades of Jennison and Ford over icy Brush Creek. Advancing up a ridge, the Union forces engaged the Confederates in an open field to the south. The divisions of Shelby and Fagan had meanwhile received orders from Price to hold Curtis in front of Westport. Shelby counterattacked with the famed Iron Brigade in the lead. This attack drove the outflanked Federals back across the creek; one brigade was hit so hard that it was forced to fall back to the high ground on Brush Creek’s west bluff, while the other retreated almost to the streets of Westport.

However, Shelby was out of ammunition, and remained on the heights south of Brush Creek. Meanwhile, Blair’s brigade arrived and Curtis heard Pleasonton’s guns engaging the Confederates at nearby Byram’s Ford. His spirits lifted, the Union commander rode to the front lines and personally directed Blair's troops into battle west of Jennison. The reinforced Federals charged across the creek once more, with Blair in the lead, but were again repulsed and retreated to the north bank. Needing another option besides frontal assault, Curtis decided to search for a weak point. A local farmer named George Thoman showed Curtis a gulch, cut by Swan Creek, running up to a rise along Shelby’s left flank. Curtis personally directed his escort and the 9th Wisconsin Battery through this gully. Meanwhile, Blunt continued to push Jennison and Ford up the rise across Brush Creek, making slow progress until the 9th Wisconsin opened fire on the Confederate flank and rear. Blunt’s men now poured over the ridge and a see-saw battle ensued in the open prairie. The Union army gradually gained the upper hand, slowly pushing Shelby's brigades back to the Wornall House.

As disaster was befalling Shelby and Fagan, a similar fate met Price’s rearguard, under Marmaduke, at Byram’s Ford. Marmaduke had established his defensive line on the west bank of the river to hold off Pleasanton, pressing hard from the east. If Pleasanton could now force his way across the Blue River, he would be in position to threaten Price's army as well as his supplies. Marmaduke was attacked by 3 of Pleasonton’s brigades starting at 8 AM; the Confederates initially managed to hold their own. However,, Federal troopers gained the west bank by 11:00 and Marmaduke retired. Brown’s brigade forded the river, then charged Marmaduke across an open field; during this charge, Union troops from Missouri and Arkansas battled Confederates from these same two states. Marmaduke was forced back, rejoining Shelby and Fagan, and Blunt pounded the now-consolidated Confederate remnants with his own guns. While the main Confederate army was now being hit hard on 2 sides, Pleasonton’s 4th brigade forced a second ford near Hickman Mills. Federal columns were now converging on Price from three different directions.

The Confederates pulled back to their last line of defense, along the road south of Forest Hill. By now 30 Union guns had been brought to bear against the lone remaining Confederate cannon. One Federal battery had just unlimbered when McGhee’s Arkansas Cavalry charged down Wornall's Lane in an attempt to capture it. Curtis Johnson of the 15th Kansas Cavalry saw the Confederate attack forming and immediately moved to intercept. Johnson and McGhee personally engaged each other with their revolvers; both were badly wounded, but survived. The fight continued to rage until Union reinforcements secured the battery.

Shelby sent a brigade under Sidney Jackman to secure his wagon trains, but these had already been removed by order of Price. Jackman was instead intercepted by Gen. Fagan, who alerted him to the massed Union cavalry, which had just crossed the Big Blue to the east. Seeing Pleasanton’s proximity to the Confederate flank and rear, Curtis had ordered a general advance of the entire Union line. When one of Pleasonton's batteries arrived in support the Confederates finally broke and fled. Price's men set fire to prairie grass to create a smoke screen to cover their withdrawal. The following day, Blunt and Pleasonton took up their pursuit of Price's remaining forces. They would catch up on the 25th at Mine Creek, Kansas.

Union forces lost 361 casualties and the Confederates 510. The Battle of Westport was the largest battle west of the Mississippi River, with over 30,000 troops involved. The Union victory put an end to Price’s campaign for Missouri, and the battle has accordingly been referred to as “The Gettysburg of the West”. This greatly contested border state was now firmly under Union control, and would remain so until the end of the war.

[Ennath]

October 24, 1733
Battle of Kirkuk

Persia’s expansionist ruler Nader Shah was engaged against Ottoman forces in Mesopotamia, under Topal Osman Pasha. In the summer of 1733, Nader besieged Baghdad with an army of 100,000 men. Topal brought 80,000 men to relieve the city and a bloody battle was fought at Samarra (July 19). After 20,000 Ottoman and 30,000 Persian casualties, Nader was forced to retreat, losing more men in the aftermath. By autumn Nader was down to about 30,000 men in his field army.

The loss of so many experienced fighting men and precious equipment could not be easily overcome and the first task Nader faced was restoring the morale of his fighting men who had up to that point thought themselves invincible. In addition, a rebellion broke out in southern Persia under the leadership of Mohammad Khan Baluch who gathered a substantial mass of malcontents and was supplied with more men from the local Arab tribes. Nader’s solution was first to rectify the problem of Topal Pasha and only then crush Mohammad Khan’s rebellion. Nader was also keen to rectify his reputation as news of his defeat at Samarra would spread in Persia making fertile soil for any growth of rebellion from within. It is unclear to what extent Nader craved an opportunity to repair his ego as well as his reputation by defeating Topal Pasha who was the only man (and would remain the only man) to have bested him on the field of battle. Nader set about rapidly rebuilding his army for another confrontation.

Topal Pasha was also eager to make good his losses. Sending requests to Constantinople he also demanded to be replaced with a younger general (Topal Pasha was approximately 70 years old). By the time of the next Persian invasion, however, he managed to put together an army 100,000 strong, slightly more than Nader could bring against him.

Nader’s spies informed him of a 12,000 strong force approaching via the valley of Agh-Darband. Topal had dispatched this force under Memish Pasha as an advance guard with himself following up with the main army. Nader also sent out an advance guard under Haji Beg Khan in order to lure Memish Pasha towards the main Persian army. After pursuing Haji Beg for a distance Memish Pasha marched right into the jaws of Nader’s ambush with two sets of 15,000 men attacking from two directions and routing the Turks with ease. Memish Pasha, who had sent word to Topal Osman claiming to have routed the Persians and requesting further troops for the pursuit, lay amongst the dead.

The rout of Memish Pasha was followed up by a rapid advance by Nader with the bulk of his army against the main Ottoman force 3 miles away. Topal Pasha, sensing something was afoot, ordered a halt and began to deploy. As the Persian army closed the distance, Nader formed his infantry in a line and sent it forward to engage the janissaries. a heavy firefight ensued for 2 hours. The Persian infantry then charged into the janissaries’ ranks. Nader now released 2 contingents of cavalry, each 15,000 strong with Haji Beg in command of the right and himself in command of the left.

The Janissaries began to collapse. Topal Pasha recognized his sad fate and mounted a horse to join his men in what would be his last battle. He chose to die with his men rather than fall back and escape with his life. The old general was shot twice before he fell from his mount; a Persian cavalryman cut off his head to present to Nader.

The battle ended with some 20,000 Ottoman casualties, in addition to the loss of all their artillery and most of their baggage. Nader ordered Topal’s head to be reunited with his body; for a while he stared at the only man who had defeated him in battle, perhaps disconcerted by the fact that such a frail old man had battled him harder than any of his younger adversaries. Nader sent the body to Baghdad to be buried with full honors.

Nader had hoped to begin a new siege of Baghdad and began to put together a campaign in the Caucasus. Tabriz had already been evacuated by the Ottomans in the panicked aftermath of the defeat, but repeated reports of Mohammad Khan’s rebellion could not be ignored any longer as the uprising started to turn into a more serious threat. This robbed Nader of the potential strategic fruits of his victory as he was finally poised to take Baghdad but had to gather his troops to put down rebellion back in Persia.