The Military History Thread

[rupertramjet]

Thanks Ennath, an interesting tale about MacArthur, when he took the Japanese surrender, he was told to take the surrender and not carry out any actions which would humiliate the Japanese representatives, of course he ignored it, demanding surrender of swords and the whole rub it in scenario! Not that I blame him!

I remember in a television interview, General Sir Mike Jackson was asked to criticise Tony Blair, his reply was a classic,'Do you expect me to criticise my Prime Minister when we are at war?' Two things, a diplomatic response and secondly MacArthur's behavior and its subsequent results, night just have added to his caution!

[Ennath]

April 12, 1862
Great Locomotive Chase

In early 1862, Brig. Gen. Ormsby Mitchel, commanding Union troops in central Tennessee, began planning to advance on Huntsville, AL before attacking towards the vital transportation hub of Chattanooga, TN. Though eager to take the latter city, he lacked sufficient forces to block any Confederate counterattacks from Georgia. Moving north from Atlanta, Confederate forces could quickly arrive in the Chattanooga area by using the Western & Atlantic Railroad. Aware of this issue, civilian scout James Andrews proposed a raid designed sever the rail connection between the two cities. This would see him lead a force south to seize a locomotive. Steaming north, his men would destroy tracks and bridges in their wake.

Andrews had proposed a similar plan to Maj. Gen. Don Carlos Buell earlier in the spring which called for a force to destroy railroads in western Tennessee. This had failed when the engineer did not appear at the designated rendezvous. Approving Andrews’ scheme, Mitchel directed him to select volunteers from Col. Joshua Sill’s brigade. Selecting 22 men on April 7, he was also joined by experienced engineers William Knight, Wilson Brown, and John Wilson. Andrews directed them to be in Marietta, GA by midnight on April 10.

Over the next 3 days, the Union men slipped through the Confederate lines disguised in civilian attire. If questioned, they had been provided with a cover story explaining that they were from Fleming County, KY and were looking for a Confederate unit in which to enlist. Due to heavy rains and rough travel, Andrews was forced to delay the raid by a day. All but 2 of the team arrived and were in position to begin operations on April 11. Meeting early the next morning, Andrews issued final instructions to his men which called for them to board the train and sit in the same car. They were to do nothing until the train reached Big Shanty at which point Andrews and the engineers would take the locomotive while the others uncoupled most of the train's cars.

Departing Marietta, the train arrived in Big Shanty a short time later. Though the depot was surrounded by Confederate Camp McDonald, Andrews had selected it as the point for taking over the train as it did not have a telegraph. As a result, the Confederates at Big Shanty would have to ride to Marietta in order to alert the authorities farther north. Shortly after the passengers disembarked to take breakfast at the Lacey Hotel, Andrews gave the signal. While he and the engineers boarded the locomotive, named General, his men uncoupled the passenger cars and jumped into 3 box cars. Applying the throttle, Knight began to ease the train out of the yard. As the train pulled out of Big Shanty, its conductor, William Fuller, saw it depart through the window of the hotel.

Raising the alarm, Fuller began to organize a pursuit. Up the line, Andrews and his men were nearing Moon’s Station. Pausing, they cut the nearby telegraph line before proceeding. In an effort not to arouse suspicion, Andrews directed the engineers to move at a normal speed and to maintain the train’s normal schedule. After passing through Acworth and Allatoona, Andrews stopped and had his men remove a rail from the tracks. Though time consuming, they were successful and placed it on one of the box cars. Pushing on, they crossed the large, wooden railroad bridge over the Etowah River. Reaching the other side, they spotted the locomotive Yonah which was on spur line running to a nearby iron works. Despite it being surrounded by men, Knight recommended destroying the engine as well as the Etowah bridge. Unwilling to start a fight, Andrews declined this advice despite the bridge being a target of the raid.

Having seen General depart, Fuller and other members of the train’s crew began running after it. Reaching Moon’s Station on foot, they were able to obtain a handcar and continued down the line. Derailed at the stretch of damaged track, they were able to place the handcar back on the rails and reached Etowah. Finding Yonah, Fuller took over the locomotive and moved it onto the main line. As Fuller raced north, Andrews and his men paused at Cass Station to refuel. While there, he informed one of the station employees that they were carrying ammunition north for Gen. P.G.T. Beauregard’s army. To aid the train's progress, the employee gave Andrews the day’s train schedule.

Steaming into Kingston, Andrews was forced to wait for over an hour. This was due to the fact that Mitchel had not delayed his offensive and Confederate trains were racing towards Huntsville. Shortly after General departed, Yonah arrived. Unwilling to wait for the tracks to clear, Fuller and his men switched to the locomotive William R. Smith, which was on the other side of the traffic jam. To the north, General paused to cut the telegraph lines and remove another rail. As the Union men finished their work, they heard the whistle of William R. Smith in the distance. Passing a southbound freight train, pulled by the locomotive Texas, at Adairsville, the raiders became concerned about being pursued and increased their speed.

To the south, Fuller spotted the damaged tracks and succeeded in halting William R. Smith. Leaving the locomotive, his team moved north on foot until meeting Texas. Taking over the train, Fuller had it move in reverse to Adairsville where the freight cars were uncoupled. He then continued chasing General. Stopping again, Andrews cut the telegraph wires north of Calhoun before proceeding to the Oostanaula Bridge. A wood structure, he had hoped to burn the bridge and efforts were made using one of the box cars. Though a fire was started, the heavy rain of past several days prevented it from spreading to the bridge. Leaving the burning box car, they departed.

Shortly thereafter, they saw Texas arrive on the span and push the box car off the bridge. In an attempt to slow Fuller’s locomotive, Andrews’ men threw railroad ties on the tracks behind them but with little effect. Though quick fuel stops were made at Green’s Wood Station and Tilton for wood and water, the Union men were unable to fully replenish their stocks. After passing through Dalton, they again cut the telegraph lines but were too late to prevent Fuller from getting a message through to Chattanooga. Racing through Tunnel Hill, Andrews was unable to stop to damage it due to the proximity of Texas. With the enemy nearing and General’s fuel nearly depleted, Andrews directed his men to abandon the train just short of Ringgold. Jumping to the ground, they scattered into the wilderness.

Fleeing the scene, Andrews and all of his men began moving west toward the Union lines. Over the next several days, the entire raiding party was captured by Confederate forces. While the civilian members of Andrews’ group were considered unlawful combatants and spies, the entire group was charged with acts of unlawful belligerency. Tried in Chattanooga, Andrews was found guilty and hanged in Atlanta on June 7; 7 others were later tried and hanged on June 18. Of the remainder, 8, who were concerned about meeting a similar fate, successfully escaped. Those who remained in Confederate custody were exchanged as prisoners of war on March 17, 1863. Many of the members of the Andrews’ Raid were among the first to receive the new Medal of Honor.

Though a dramatic series of events, the Great Locomotive Chase proved a failure for Union forces. As a result, Chattanooga did not fall to Union forces until September 1863. It was remembered enough, however, to provide the inspiration for the classic Buster Keaton silent comedy The General (1926).

[Ennath]

279 BC
Battle of Asculum

Undaunted by their defeat in the Battle of Heraclea (see posting), the Romans raised new armies during the winter of 280-279 BC and both sides prepared for the next battle. In the spring of 279 BC, the Romans advanced into Apulia, forcing Pyrrhus to march out again to attempt to defeat this “Lernean Hydra that grows two heads for each one cut off.” The Romans came upon him near Asculum and encamped opposite him.

According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Pyrrhus had 70,000 infantry, of whom 16,000 were Greek. The Romans also had about 70,000 infantry, of whom about 20,000 where Roman, the rest being troops from allies. The Romans had about 8000 cavalry, Pyrrhus slightly more, plus 19 elephants.

Each army had made some tactical changes since their last meeting. Seeing how much more maneuverable the Roman forces were than his phalanx, Pyrrhus alternated the units of his phalanx with the lighter forces of his Allies. The Romans, for their part, had made a radical innovation in order to deal with Pyrrhus’ elephants, devising special wagons. These were 4-wheeled and had poles mounted transversely on upright beams, which could be swung in any direction. Some had iron spikes or scythes and some had “cranes that hurled down heavy grappling irons”. Many poles protruded in front of the wagons and had fire-bearing grapnels wrapped in cloth daubed with pitch. The wagons carried bowmen, hurlers of stones and slingers who threw iron caltrops and men who threw grapnels on fire against the trunks and faces of the elephants. The Romans had 300 such wagons.

Both armies deployed with their cavalry on the wings and infantry in the center. Pyrrhus lined up the Macedonian phalanx, mercenaries from Tarentum, and the Bruttii and Lucani allies on the right wing. The Thesprotians and Chaonians were deployed in the center next to the Aetolian, Acarnanian and Athamanian mercenaries. The Samnites formed the left wing. On there right wing of the cavalry there were the Samnite, Thessalian and Bruttii squadrons and Tarentine mercenaries. On the left wing, there were the Ambracian, Lucanian and Tarentine squadrons and Acarnanian, Aetolian, Macedonian and Athamanian mercenaries. He divided the light infantry and the elephants in 2 groups and placed them behind the wings, on a slightly elevated position. Pyrrhus held his 2000 Guard cavalry in reserve behind the center under his personal command, along with the elephants.

The Romans had their first and third legions on the right wing. The first faced the Epirot and Ambracian phalanx and the Tarentine mercenaries. The third faced the Tarentine phalanx and the Bruttii and Lucani. The fourth legion formed the center. The second legion was on the right wing. The Latins, Volsci and Campanians (who were part of the Roman Republic) and Rome's allies were divided into four legions which were mingled with the Roman legions to strengthen all the lines. The light infantry and wagons which were to be deployed against the elephants were outside the line. Both the Roman and the allied cavalry were on the wings.

In Plutarch's account, the battle was fought over two days. In the accounts of Cassius Dio and Dionysius of Halicarnassus it lasted one day. Cassius Dio wrote that the two sides avoided each other for several days. There were rumors that Publius Decius Mus (one of the two consuls) was getting ready to devote himself like his father and grandfather. In a devotio a Roman commander sacrificed his life by launching himself in the enemy ranks as vow to the gods in exchange for a victory when the Roman troops were overwhelmed. This galvanized the Roman soldiers. The rumor alarmed the Italic followers of Pyrrhus, who believed that his death would ruin them. Pyrrhus endeavored to reassure them and ordered them to seize alive anyone who wore the garments the Decii family used for devoting themselves. He sent a man to tell Publius Decius that he would not succeed in his intent and after being taken alive he would die miserably. The Roman consuls replied that there was no need to resorting to a devotio because the Romans would defeat him without it.

In Cassius Dio's version of the battle, the river between the two camps was not easy to ford. Pyrrhus, confident of the strength of his elephants, allowed the Romans to cross the river. However, the Romans deployed their wagons against the elephants, shooting fire and missiles. The Romans gradually forced the Greeks back until Pyrrhus moved the elephants to the other end of the line, away from the wagons and used them to charge and rout the Roman cavalry. Meanwhile, some Dauni had set out against the camp of the Greeks. This won the battle for the Romans because when Pyrrhus sent some of his men against them, the rest suspected that the camp had fallen and that their companions had fled. Because of this they gave way. Many fell and Pyrrhus and many of his officers were wounded. Others died later because of lack of food and of medical supplies. Pyrrhus withdrew to Tarentum before the Romans became aware of this. The Romans did not pursue him because many of their men were wounded. They went into winter quarters in Apulia, while Pyrrhus sent for soldiers and money from home and went on with his other preparations.

In the account of Plutarch, the battle lasted 2 days. After resting his army, Pyrrhus was forced into an area where, due to the wooded and marshy banks of the river, he could not deploy his cavalry and could not use his elephants. The Pyrrhic phalanx appears to also have been affected by the ground. The battle was tough, but indecisive. It was interrupted by nightfall. During the night Pyrrhus sent a detachment to occupy the unfavorable areas of the field so that he could fight and engage his elephants on level ground. He put many archers and slingers (psiloi) between the elephants. The Roman infantry advanced swiftly to attempt to close with the phalanx before the elephants were engaged, but the phalanx held firm. The elephants advanced, preceded by psiloi who negated the anti-elephant wagons. The elephants then hit the Roman infantry who buckled under the pressure. simultaneously, Pyrrhus launched a charge by the Royal Guard, which completed the victory. The Romans withdrew in some disorder to their camp. Pyrrhus did not pursue them closely fearing they might yet turn and fight. Roman losses were probably 6000 while Pyrrhus lost 3500 men, including many of his ablest officers.

Plutarch wrote that Pyrrhus said to someone who was congratulating him on his victory: “If we defeat the Romans in one more such battle, we shall be completely ruined,” thus coining the phrase Pyrrhic victory. He lost a great part of the forces he had brought from Greece and most of his commanders. He could not call up more men from home and his allies in Italy were becoming indifferent. The Romans, in contrast, could quickly replenish their forces “as if from a fountain gushing forth indoors”, and did not lose determination in defeat.

Pyrrhus now accepted a request from the Greek city-states of eastern and southern Sicily to help them against the Carthaginians. He went to Sicily and campaigned there for three years. His allies in southern Italy were aggrieved because he abandoned them. He took over all the Carthaginian domains in Sicily except for the stronghold of Lilybaeum. His siege of this city was unsuccessful. After this he wanted to build a large fleet to invade Carthage’s home territory in Africa. He needed to man and equip these ships and to do this he treated the Greek city-states despotically. These cities turned against him. He was forced to return to southern Italy in 275 BC. The Romans were ready for him.

[Ennath]

April 13, 989
Battle of Abydos

After his victory against the usurper Bardas Skleros at the Battle of Pankalia (979, see posting), General Bardas Phocas had become one of the most powerful figures in the Byzantine Empire. But the young emperor Basil II began to take initiatives and show signs that he wanted to take the administration in his own hands. His growing independence alarmed both Basil Lekapenos (regent and de-facto ruler) and Phocas. In 987 they entered into secret negotiations with their former enemy, Skleros, to dispose the emperor.

In 987, Skleros was recalled to the homeland from Baghdad by Phocas, who took advantage of the Bulgarian wars to aim at the crown. Skleros promptly mustered an army to support Phocas’ cause. In a campaign that curiously mimicked Skleros’ revolt a decade earlier, Bardas Phocas proclaimed himself emperor and overran most of Asia Minor.

Emperor Basil sought aid from Prince Vladimir I of Kiev, who in 988 had captured Chersonesos, the main Imperial base in the Crimea. Vladimir offered to evacuate Chersonesos and to supply 6000 soldiers as reinforcements to Basil. In exchange he demanded to be married to Basil’s younger sister Anna. At first, Basil hesitated. The Byzantines viewed all the nations of northern Europe, Franks or Slavs, as barbarians. When Vladimir promised to baptize himself and to convert his people to Christianity, Basil finally agreed. Vladimir and Anna were married in the Crimea in 989 and Vladimir sent his soldiers to aid Basil.

Bardas Phocas, who in the meantime had put Skleros in prison, was checked at Chrysopolis, then moved to lay siege to Abydos, thus threatening to blockade the Dardanelles. At this point Basil II obtained the aid from his new brother-in-law Vladimir and marched to Abydos. The two armies were facing each other, when Phocas galloped forward, seeking personal combat with the Emperor who was riding in front of the lines. Just as he prepared to face Basil, however, Phocas suffered a seizure, fell from his horse, and was found to be dead. His head was cut off and brought to Basil. The imperial force won the battle easily after that.

Skleros succeeded as the leader of the rebellion. He was soon captured and blinded and the rebellion ended. Lekapenos was exiled and his vast fortune was confiscated.

This campaign triggered the conversion of the Rus to Orthodox Christianity and also marked the origin of the Varangian guard in the Byzantine army.

[Ennath]

April 14, 1940
Battle of Dombås

Shortly after the German invasion of Norway on April 9, 1940, the Allies launched their own campaign in Norway to support the Norwegians and prevent the Germans seizing control of the strategically important country. The Norwegian Campaign marked the first major direct land confrontation between the Anglo-French and the Germans.

On April 13, Generaloberst Nikolaus von Falkenhorst, commander of the German invasion forces, received orders from OKW (Armed Forces High Command) in Berlin to seize the village of Dombås, 209 miles north of Oslo, by paratroop attack. Hitler, as always, had his eye on the map. A glanced revealed that Dombås was a crucial road and rail link between southern Norway and the northern ports. A block at Dombäs could bottle up the Norwegian government. It could also, though it is unclear if Hitler had this in mind, prevent the escape of the Norwegian gold reserves.

The battle began on April 14 when 15 Ju-52 transports dropped a company from 7th Flieger Division near the railroad junction at Dombås at about 1800 in poor visibility. Unknown to the Germans, the drop was in the middle of a temporary encampment of the 2nd Battalion of the Norwegian Infantry Regiment 11. Although there were no AA guns, the defenders’ Colt m29 machine guns took a heavy toll; 8 of the 15 transports were lost and remainder shot up. The paratroopers were spread out over a wide area and the majority never made it to the objective. Out of a force of 185 men, only 63 wound up with the commander, Oberleutnant Herbert Schmidt. The operation had been assembled so quickly that the men on the ground barely had any maps.

The Norwegians reacted quickly. The attack led to the quick decision to evacuate the national gold reserves to Britain. The attack sowed terror and confusion throughout the Norwegian government and military - everyone throughout the country was soon talking about “German paratroopers” and looking over their shoulders.

The main objective was the destruction of the railroad through the town, along with the road junction that led south to Oslo and east to Sweden. Road junctions were vital objectives in Norway, because the few roads ran along only a few mountain defiles. Schmidt quickly blocked the main road and cut the phone wires alongside. Having collected his men, he then captured a passing taxi. Piling as many men into it as possible, he headed north to Dombås. He told the rest of his troops to follow on foot. Not far up the road, the taxi ran into 2 truckloads of Norwegian soldiers coming the other way. A firefight broke out and Schmidt's advance was stopped. He took up a defensive position near the main road and waited for his other men coming along behind to catch up. Schmidt was badly wounded, but retained command. The troops took up positions on a hillside overlooking the main road.

Schmidt and his men began April 15 at Hagavollen, a farm on the highway, 3 miles south of Dombås. The men left behind caught up during the night, so Schmidt again had over 60 men with him. Then, he had his men blow up the nearby rail line in 3 places, which closed the line for 24 hours.

The Norwegians now knew there was a German force in the area, but knew little else. Kaptein Eiliv Austlid was tasked with clearing the road and rail line, which King Haakon and the government - and the gold - would have to use as an escape route. He brought 2 heavy machine gun platoons which had a total of 41 men. The Norwegians counterattacked, but failed in deep snow as the Germans had chosen an excellent position. Austlid was killed and 28 of his men captured.

Early the next morning, 2 Norwegian companies arrived. The Norwegians brought two 81mm mortars and some Colts. After a brief firefight, the Germans waved the white flag. They sent over a Norwegian POW who (erroneously) represented that the Germans were demanding that the 2 Norwegian companies surrender or the Germans would shoot their prisoners. The Norwegians responded by sending over a German POW who stated that the Norwegians were demanding that they surrender. Neither side surrendered. Schmidt continued negotiating, waiting for darkness so he and his men could make a run for it. The Norwegians finally lost patience and attacked again. At that moment, a blizzard descended on the area. The Germans launched an unexpected attack through the snow and sent the Norwegians reeling back to Dombås. After dark, the paras slipped away to the south.

Meanwhile, Norwegian troops nearby were rounding up the numerous paras who had wound up far from the drop zone. Some 22 were captured at Kolstad, and another 23 at Bottheim train station.

The Germans slept in the woods as best they could, then set out along the road to Dombås at first light on April 17, with 3 captured machine guns. At the front were soldiers with hand grenades, followed by captured trucks carrying the wounded and POWs. The column ran into a Norwegian roadblock at Landheim bridge. The 25 Norwegians were quickly forced to withdraw to Dovre Church. The Germans blocked the road at Einbugga road bridge, between Toftemo and Dovre to the south and looked for somewhere to hold out. They wound up at the North and South Lindse Farm just south of Dombås. They took over the stone barn, which was quite formidable. The farmstead was on a hillside and overlooked both the main road and the vital rail line. The Germans had taken 15 military personnel and 40 civilians as prisoners, who they keep at South Lindse.

The Norwegians had to clear the road and rail line. They brought in 1st Battalion, 11th Regiment in the north and 1st Battalion, 5th Regiment in the south and a Bofors 40mm AA gun was added, used as artillery against the barn and other German positions, but not the farmhouse where the POWs and families were located.

The Norwegians attacked from the south at dawn on April 18, raking the stone barn with heavy fire. The Germans were trapped in the barn with ammunition running low, but unexpectedly a Ju-52 appeared overhead and dropped ammunition, warm clothing, provisions, medical supplies and the radio frequency for communicating with headquarters. Later, a Norwegian officer approached demanding surrender. Schmidt rejected the demand. The Norwegians then resumed fire with the 40mm gun. The barn became untenable, and at the end of the day the Germans retreated to the farmhouse where the POWs were being held. The Norwegians continued firing throughout the night.

Early on the 19th, the Norwegians brought up a rail-mounted howitzer manned by British Royal Marines. The howitzer opened fire at 0600. Schmidt then sent out his second-in-command, Lt. Ernst Mössinger, with a white flag to see what terms he could get. Norwegian Major Arne Sunde demanded unconditional surrender and gave Schmidt 10 minutes to send up flares to signify surrender before he would open fire again. Mössinger returned to the farm, and just before the deadline the Germans fired off the flares. The captured Germans were transported by train for incarceration at Dombås (ultimately to be freed by the advancing Wehrmacht). The elimination of the Germans at Dombås cleared the vital rail line and road junction. The Norwegians lost 20 dead and 20 wounded. The Germans lost 21 dead, 40 wounded and over 100 captured.

With the conclusion of the Battle of Dombås, the gold reserves of the Bank of Norway could be secured. They had been in Oslo at the beginning of the war, then taken to Lillehammer. The journey further north, however, had been blocked by the Germans at Dombås. Once the path finally was clear, the gold was sent by train to the British base at Åndalsnes, along with King Haakon and the rest of the Norwegian government.

[Ennath]

April 15, 1745
Battle of Pfaffenhofen

In October 1744, the Franco-Bavarian army had succeeded, in coordination with Prussia, in expelling the Austrians from Bavaria, and reinstating Charles VII, Prince-Elector of Bavaria, as Holy Roman Emperor in his capital Munich. Here he died 3 months later. His 18-year-old son and heir Maximilian III Joseph wavered between the peace-party, led by his mother Maria Amalia of Austria and army commander Friedrich Heinrich von Seckendorff and the war-party, led by Foreign Minister General Ignaz von Törring and the French envoy Chavigny.

This hampered the ongoing peace negotiations, so Austrian Empress Maria Theresa ordered her army to start a new offensive to put pressure on the Bavarian negotiators. Amberg and Vilshofen were taken and the Bavarian army under Törring and its French, Hessian and Palatinate allies were pushed on the defensive.

Törring decided to pull back his Bavarian and Hessian troops behind the Lech River. The French commander Henri Francois de Ségur was not informed of this maneuver and waited unaware and unprotected near Pfaffenhofen for Palatine reinforcements under General Zastrow, which arrived on April 14. The next day Ségur decided to also pull back behind the Lech. The Austrians, aware of the isolated French position, had by then reached Pfaffenhofen with a force of 10,000 men under Karl-Josef Batthyani. Ségur had only 7000 men.

The Austrians opened the battle with an attack on the town of Pfaffenhofen, which was taken in house-to-house combat in which the fierce Croatian Pandurs inflicted heavy casualties on the defenders. Meanwhile, Ségur had hastily improvised a defensive position around a hill west of the town. But as more and more Austrian troops reached the battlefield, he was forced twice to withdraw to avoid encirclement. When the sign for a general withdrawal was given, panic broke out amongst the Palatine troops and they fled. Ségur had the greatest difficulty in preventing the panic spreading amongst his French troops.

The retreating army was harassed by the Pandurs and light cavalry, who inflicted heavy casualties. Only after the French and Palatines had crossed the Paar river at Hohenwart at 1800 did the Austrians give up the pursuit. The defeated army reached Rain on the Lech the next day and set up camp. But the next morning the Austrian army appeared and the allies fled over the Lech, leaving all their material behind. Only the burning of the bridge prevented a total disaster for the allies. Ségur had lost many troops and much material, but his maintenance of discipline had prevented the total destruction of his army. Still, he had lost 2400 men, to 800 Austrian casualties.

The day after the defeat, Törring was dismissed and one week later, Maximilian III Joseph concluded the Treaty of Füssen with Austria. Maximilian recognized the Pragmatic Sanction, backing Maria Theresa as Empress. He also abandoned his father’s claims on Bohemia and the imperial crown and promised to support the imperial candidacy of Maria Theresa’s husband, Francis Stephen of Lorraine, who in fact became the next Emperor on September 13. The Battle of Pfaffenhofen eliminated Bavaria-Bohemia as one of the 4 theaters of the War the Austrian Succession, releasing troops for the war in Silesia, Italy and the Austrian Netherlands.

[Ennath]

57 BC
Battle of the Axona

During Caesar’s 1st winter as governor of Cisalpine Gaul, Transalpine Gaul and Illyricum, he returned to Roman territory to tend to his administrative duties, while his lieutenant Titus Labienus wintered with the army in Gaul. During this time, Labienus kept Caesar updated with regular reports.

Late in the winter, rumors began to circulate that the Belgae, the inhabitants on northeastern Gaul, were considering forming a confederation against the Romans. The Belgae were alarmed that the Romans were taking such an active role in Gallic affairs. Moreover, the Romans appeared to be making themselves comfortable in Gaul by wintering in a semi-permanent camp. They were right to be concerned. After receiving these reports, Caesar began raising 2 new legions in Cisalpine Gaul, bringing his total to 8. When he was originally assigned his provinces, the Senate had granted him 4; now had doubled the amount without Senatorial approval. This was not an issue – yet.

After the new legions were ready to move, Caesar went north and linked up with Labienus and the rest of the army. He now commanded 35-40,000 troops. He sent messages to friendly tribes, asking them to keep an eye on the Belgae. They all sent back the same story – the Belgae were mustering a massive army. In response, Caesar marched north to force them to stand down.

Entering Belgae territory, the 1st tribe he encountered was the Remi, who hastened to assure Caesar that they never had any intention of joining any anti-Roman confederation. To prove their loyalty, they told Caesar all they knew. According to the Remi, the Belgae consisted of about 290,000 people. Probably only about 70,000 were fighting age males, but the army was still very large, though hampered by infighting among the tribes.

By now, the Belgae were on the move. Their 1st target was the Remi, who were now passing information to the Romans. The Belgae advanced on the town of Bibrax, the Remi capital. Caesar moved to counter them. As he approached the town, he came to a bridge over the Axona River (the Aisne). Before crossing, he had his men construct a small fort to protect the bridge, which would be his only link to friendly territory and his food shipments. He left a garrison of 6 cohorts, some 3000 men.

The Belgae had now reached the Remi capital and the defenders sent to Caesar that they would not be able to hold out for very long. That night Caesar sent a group of skirmishers into Bibrax under cover of darkness. When the Belgae attacked the next day, they were met with a fierce barrage of Roman javelins and sling stones; they were forced to retreat and re-evaluate their plans. By now they knew that there were Romans fighting alongside the Remi. They immediately abandoned the attempt to take Bibrax and marched in strength toward the Roman army.

Caesar recalled his skirmishers, but stayed put. He deployed on a hill with the Axona at his back and a stretch of swampy ground in front, a strong defensive position. He put his 6 experienced legions in front with the 2 green ones in reserve. The Belgae arrived, but over the next several days, all that occurred were clashes between cavalry. The Romans used this time to dig long trenches back from their line to the river to protect against flank attacks, ending in small wooden forts defended by artillery. Even though the Belgae had a significant numerical advantage, they were hesitant to attack uphill through a swamp, especially as the Romans were now digging in.

The Belgae were losing their advantage by the day. They needed to get Caesar off the hill and out of his defenses. The best way to do that would be to cut off his food supply and the easiest way to do that would be to seize the bridge. Caesar realized this vulnerability, which is why he had left such a strong force to defend it. The Belgae detached a force of almost 10,000 men to take the objective. They planned to ford the river some distance away, then swing north and attack before any defenders realized what was happening. If Caesar tried to retake the bridge, he would have 10,000 Gauls one 1 side and 60,000 on the other. If not, he would be cut off and starved out.

Assembling 10,000 men took some time and Caesar observed it all from his hilltop position. He did not wish to abandon his strong position, especially as that was the goal of the enemy plan. So he left his infantry in place, but personally led all his cavalry and skirmishers back across the bridge to the Belgae crossing point. He moved with exceptional speed and when he arrived, only a small number of Belgae had completed the crossing. This group was immediately charged by the Roman cavalry; most were killed and the remainder driven off. Then, as the skirmishers caught up, they opened fire on those still in the river. Many were killed in mid-stream; the few who made it across were cut down by the cavalry. The remaining Belgae turned back and rejoined the main army. Their plan had failed miserably and they were now weaker than ever.

The Belgae leaders convened a council. Not prepared for a siege or ready to spend months sparring with Caesar, as they were also running short of food, they voted to disperse and return home to resupply. They agreed to mobilize again if the Romans went on the offensive. That night the Gallic army withdrew.

Caesar, waking up to find the enemy gone, was reluctant to believe that it was not a trap, so he sent Labienus with 3 legions and all the cavalry to investigate. He himself continued to occupy the hill, just in case. Labienus stumbled on a Belgae rearguard and attacked. To his surprise, it was not a trap and the Gauls quickly dispersed. He reported back to Caesar that the withdrawal was exactly what is seemed.

Caesar had come to the land of the Belgae in order to force them to stand down. He had now accomplished that goal and he could have taken the opportunity to return south. He didn’t. The campaign against the Belgae would continue.

[Ennath]

April 16, 1797
Spithead and Nore Mutinies

In the wake of indifferent fortune on land against the French republic - attempts by British armies to succor Royalist counter-revolutionaries in Toulon and Brittany had been failures, as had an expedition to the Netherlands - the vitality and effectiveness of George III’s navy was all the more important for protecting Britain from invasion and supporting initiatives overseas against French colonies in the West Indies. However, the “wooden walls of England” had by the late 1790s acquired more than a little dry rot. The practice of press-ganging provided 30-50% of the crew of most ships in wartime. Once dragged aboard, a man could remain aboard for over 20 years, assuming they survived warfare, being flung from aloft during a storm, shipwreck, or disease. The penalty for desertion was death, usually inflicted in gruesome fashion, such as “flogging round the fleet”, in which the felon was put in a boat and rowed around the harbor, being flogged by each ship. Food consisted of leathery, aged salt meat biscuit filled with weevils. Discipline was brutal and inflicted at the whim of the ship’s officers. Boatswains and their mates were encouraged to use their rattan canes or ropes’ ends to get the men moving.

Seamen's pay, at 24 shillings a month for Able Seamen (les for “Ordinaries”), had been established in 1658, and because of the stability of wages and prices, were still reasonable as recently as the 1756-1763 Seven Years’ War; however, high inflation during the last decades of the 18th century had severely eroded the real value of the pay. This was minus sixpence for the naval hospital at Greenwich (despite the fact that disabled seamen were discharged in the first port the ship came to and had to make their way to Greenwich at their own expense), another fourpence for the surgeon, often little more than a drunken butcher, and another four for the chaplain, despite most ships being without one (“sky pilots” were generally considered unlucky by the superstitious sailors). What was left was often issued in the form of a ticket to be redeemed by the ship’s purser, usually corrupt, at only a fraction of its real value. The purser was also allowed to issue rations at 14 ounces to the pound, rather than 16 - this was officially to allow for “shrinkage” - but it meant that the purser was allowed to keep one eighth of ship’s stores for himself, to sell to the crew in exchange for favors or cash, to give as bribes or simply to sell at a profit.

In recent years, pay raises had been granted to the army, militia, and naval officers. At the same time, the practice of coppering the submerged part of hulls, which had started in 1761 (this protected against the accretion of barnacles and against the wood-eating teredo worm), meant that British warships no longer had to return to port frequently to have their hulls scraped, and the additional time at sea significantly altered the rhythm and difficulty of seamans’ work. The Royal Navy had not made adjustments for any of this, and was slow to understand their effects on its crews. Finally, the new wartime quota system meant that crews had many landsmen from inshore who did not mix well with career seamen.

On April 16, 1797, the entire Western Squadron (Channel Fleet) at Spithead mutinied. The catalyst was the refusal of the flagship,Queen Charlotte, to put to sea and the call of her crew to other ships to join in their demands. The mutineers were led by elected delegates (mostly warrant and petty officers) and tried to negotiate with the Admiralty for 2 weeks, focusing their demands on better pay, the abolition of the “purser's pound”, and the removal of a handful of unpopular officers; neither flogging nor impressment were mentioned in the mutineers’ demands. The mutineers maintained regular naval routine and discipline aboard their ships and most officers remained aboard; only a few of the most brutal were asked by the mutineers’ deputies to go ashore. Some ships were allowed to leave for convoy escort duty and the deputies promised to suspend the mutiny and go to sea immediately if French ships were spotted heading for English shores.

The mutiny was almost certainly not politically inspired, although a few red flags were seen. Matters only turned violent when Admirals Bridport and Colpoys, negotiating for the Admiralty, proved untrustworthy. The fleet at Plymouth mutinied on April 28 and 2 days later there was a minor outbreak on the flagship of the North Sea Squadron. The elderly Admiral Lord Howe now intervened to negotiate a royal pardon for all crews, a pay raise and abolition of the “purser’s pound” The mutiny was to be remembered as the “breeze at Spithead”.

Inspired by the example of their comrades at Spithead, the sailors at the Nore (an anchorage in the Thames Estuary) also mutinied, on May 12, when the crew of Sandwich seized control of the ship. Several other ships of the North Sea Squadron, in the same location, followed, though others slipped away; the mutineers had been unable to organize easily because the ships were scattered along the Nore (and were not all part of a unified fleet, as at Spithead), but quickly elected delegates for each ship. This mutiny was more serious, since the demands of the Spithead mutineers had already been met, and because of the flirtation of some of the mutineers with Radical politics; the mutineers were violent from the beginning, and their lack of moderation alienated not only the officer class, but many of their own supporters. Ships continued to slip away during the mutiny, despite gunfire from the ships that remained (which attempted to use force to hold the mutiny together).

Richard Parker was elected “President of the Delegates of the Fleet”. According to him, he was nominated and elected without his knowledge. Parker was a former master’s mate who was dis-rated and court-martialed in December 1793 and re-enlisted in the Navy as a seaman in early 1797, where he came to serve aboard the sloop Hound. Demands were formulated and on May 20, a list of 8 demands was presented to Adm. Charles Buckner, which mainly involved pardons, increased pay and modification of the Articles of War, which covered shipboard discipline, eventually expanding to a demand that the King dissolve Parliament and make immediate peace with France. These demands infuriated the Admiralty, which offered nothing except a pardon (and the concessions already made at Spithead) in return for an immediate return to duty.

The mutineers expanded their initial grievances and blockaded London, preventing merchant vessels from entering the port, and the principals made plans to sail their ships to France, alienating the regular sailors and losing more and more ships as the mutiny progressed. On June 5, Parker issued an order that merchant ships be allowed to pass the blockade, and only Royal Navy supply ships be detained; the ostensible reason provided was that “the release of the merchant vessels would create a favorable impression on shore”, although this decision may actually have been more due to the complexities involved in such a wide undertaking as interdicting all the merchant traffic on the busy Thames. After the successful resolution of the Spithead mutiny, the government and the Admiralty were not minded to make further concessions, particularly as they saw that some leaders of the Nore mutiny had political aims beyond improving pay and living conditions.

The mutineers were denied food and water, and when Parker hoisted the signal for the ships to sail to France, all of the remaining ships refused to obey; eventually, most ships slipped their anchors and deserted (some under fire from the mutineers), and the mutiny collapsed. Parker was quickly convicted of treason and piracy and hanged from the yardarm of Sandwich, the vessel where the mutiny had started. In the reprisals which followed, 29 were hanged, 29 imprisoned, and 9 flogged, while others were sentenced to transportation to Australia. The majority of men involved in the mutiny were not punished at all, which was lenient by the standards of the time.

[Ennath]

April 17, 1946
Battle of Siping

After setbacks in early 1946, the Chinese Nationalists resumed their Manchurian offensive with a vengeance. In a period of just 2 days, they were able to regroup and re-supply completely, and continued their push toward Siping. Chiang Kai-shek was determined to take Changchun after taking Siping, and Mao Zedong was equally determined to hold both to the end. Both sides realized the upcoming campaign would be a difficult one and placed one of their best field commanders in charge: Du Yuming for the Nationalists and Lin Biao for the Communists. Some 100,000 Nationalist troops faced about 85,000 Communists.

The Communists in Siping mobilized the entire populace to fortify the city and stockpile supplies. Ma Rensing headed an Urban Defense Command in the city proper, while the general HQ was relocated to the suburbs. Once Nationalists were checked by the force in the city, the Communists would then concentrate their force to strike the weak Nationalist 71st Army.

On April 17, 1946, Nationalist frontline commander Zheng Dongguo ordered the attack to begin, severing the railway to Siping the following day. Initial attacks on Siping itself were repulsed, and Zheng decided to focus his attacks on the flanks, selecting the rail junction linking Communist 1st and 56th Regiments. On the 19th, backed by heavy artillery support, Nationalist 30th Division attacked the junction and took it. Lin responded by reinforcing the garrison in the city. The reinforced defenders counterattacked in the evening and retook the position, stopping 30th Division completely.

On April 22, Mao telegraphed Lin Biao to order him to hold on and wait for the campaign to turn for the better. From April 18, through April 26, 3 divisions of Nationalist New 1st Army and 71st Army took turns assaulting the defenses, but were beaten back. By the evening of April 26, heavy casualties brought 71st Army to a complete halt, while the New 1st Army was reduced to skirmishing.

The Nationalists now resorted to extensive artillery preparation, but results were no better. There were relatively few artillery positions outside the city and the defenders were well aware of them. The densely deployed guns were badly damaged by counter-battery fire and drawn back out of range. On April 27, Mao telegraphed Lin Biao to praise him and his troops, and asked Lin Biao to make Siping into the Madrid of the East (referring to the battle of 1936, see posting).

To better defend the city, Lin Biao redeployed his forces and successfully severed the Nationalist supply line between Changtu and Liaoning, slowing the Nationalist push. To distract Nationalist forces elsewhere and prevent them from reinforcing their comrades attacking Siping, other Communist units launched separate attacks; by April 18, the final Nationalist strongholds in Changchun region fell into enemy hands, on April 25, Qiqihar fell and finally, on April 28, the last Nationalist strongholds in the Harbin region fell. However, such success only strengthened Chiang Kai-shek’s resolve to take Siping and Changchun.

After their initial success in repulsing the Nationalist attack, the Communist command became overconfident and daydreamed that within 10 days, the defenders of Siping would counterattack and annihilate New 1st Army. Lin Biao was well aware that his force was not capable of fighting New 1st Army face to face, and telegraphed back on April 29, claiming that it was impossible to annihilate the enemy at Siping; though this force would definitely be annihilated in Northeast China, it was not yet time. However, the unscathed large Communist force in other areas was quite capable of badly mauling the exhausted New 1st Army in ambushes as they advanced on Changchun. Du Yuming, however, would not provide the enemy with such an opportunity, convincing Chiang to halt at Siping to regroup and re-supply, instead of pushing on.

After the setbacks at Siping, the Nationalists believed that the situation in Northeast China depended the successful taking of the city. New 6th Army (Liao Yaoxiang) was airlifted to Northeast China and moved to the Siping front. 93rd Army was also deployed to Northeast China from Beijing. In addition, the Nationalist air force concentrated all available aircraft in the region to support the offensive.

On May 15, Du Yuming gave the order to launch a general assault on Siping and declared that the city must be taken this time. The assault came on 3 fronts: 88th Division and New 6th Army on the right would attack Gongzhuling, Meihekou, Changchun and Qitamu. New 1st Army in the center would directly attack Siping and then move on to Shuangcheng and Dehui. Two divisions of 71st Army on the left would target Shuangcheng.

50th Division, on the left, captured Peak 258 after severe fighting. On May 17, Du Yuming ordered 195th Division into action and soon took Hafu, and surrounded the most critical point of Siping’s defenses, the highest point in the east, a hill called Pagoda Mountain, 6 miles southeast of the city. Both sides were well aware the importance of the hill and the Nationalists launched multiple assaults, all beaten back by Communist 19th Regiment. The Nationalists then concentrated all available firepower to bombard the enemy position, and the under the cover of intense shelling, New 6th Army attacked the hill from 3 sides. Communist 10th Brigade was ordered to reinforce Pagoda Mountain, but was delayed when crossing the Liao River.

It was obvious that it would be only a matter of time before Pagoda Mountain fell, and Lin Biao felt it was much more important to preserve strength for the future; he radioed Mao on May 18, to report the situation and his intention to abandon Siping. Lin then ordered a general withdrawal without waiting for Mao’s reply; by midnight, the general withdrawal was completed in total secrecy in an orderly fashion. Next morning, the Nationalists entered the city. Mao’s reply only arrived that afternoon, authorizing the withdrawal, but had Lin waited, his entire force would have been annihilated.

Chiang Kai-shek was overjoyed with the taking of Siping and ordered the army to continue on and take Changchun without a break, so that the enemy would not have the chance to regroup. Du Yuming was well aware that his exhausted force must rest and regroup for sometime before launching any more attacks. Furthermore, Du and his fellow officers were also keenly aware that the majority of the enemy force in the rural regions was unscathed and waiting for a chance to ambush them out in the open if the exhausted Nationalists ventured into the difficult terrain. He refused to continue and successfully convinced Chiang to halt and consolidate.

Nationalist losses were some 7000 men; the Communists lost about 8000. However, neither Chiang’s original plan of continuing on to take Changchun nor Mao’s original plan of holding Siping had materialized and thus the campaign ended in a stalemate.

[Ennath]

April 18, 1689
Siege of Derry

The Glorious Revolution of 1688 was a relatively bloodless affair in which James II (King of England, Ireland and Scotland), a Roman Catholic convert, was ousted from power by Parliament, who then offered the English throne to his Protestant daughter Mary and her Dutch husband William of Orange. In Scotland, the privy council asked William to assume responsibility for the government in January 1689, and he and Mary were formally offered the Scottish throne in March. The situation was different in Ireland where most of the population was Catholic, and James had given them some real concessions during his reign. James had appointed an Irish Catholic, Richard Talbot, to the position of Lord Deputy of Ireland, he re-admitted Catholics into the Irish Parliament and public office, and he replaced Protestant officers with Catholic officers in the army. Irish Catholics were hoping that James would re-grant them lands that had been seized from them after the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland (1649–53). James thus looked to Ireland to muster support in regaining his kingdoms.

Richard Talbot, who was acting as James’ viceroy in Ireland, was eager to ensure that all strongholds in the country were held by garrisons loyal to James. He focused on the northern province of Ulster, which had been the most heavily planted by British Protestant colonists. By November 1688, Enniskillen and Derry were the two garrisons in Ulster that were not wholly loyal to James and these became the focal point of the first stage in the Williamite war in Ireland. The elderly Alexander MacDonnell, 3rd Earl of Antrim, a Jacobite (supporter of James), was ordered to replace these two garrisons with forces loyal to King James. He agreed, but wasted several weeks searching for men who were at least 6 feet tall. A force of about 1200 Scottish Highland “Redshanks” then set out for Derry. On December 7, with the army a short distance away, 13 apprentice boys seized the city keys and locked the gates.

On December 10, King James fled London. He was caught, but fled a second time on December 23 and made his way to France. James’ cousin, King Louis XIV of France, agreed to help James regain power. In London on February 13, 1689, William and Mary were crowned. On March 12, James landed in Kinsale, on Ireland’s south coast. with 6000 French soldiers. He took Dublin and marched north with an army of Irish and French troops.

In April 1689 reinforcements from England arrived at Derry under the command of Col. John Cunningham, who was a native of the city. He was under instructions to take his orders from the City Governor, Lt. Col. Robert Lundy. Lundy advised Cunningham to leave as arrangements had been made for the city to be surrendered. He wrote on April 15 that “without an immediate supply of money and provisions this place must fall very soon into the enemy’s hands”. Lundy called a meeting with several of his most loyal supporters to discuss surrender. News of the meeting spread, angering many of the citizens. That night, Lundy (in disguise) and many others left the city and took ship to Scotland. The city's defense was overseen by Major Henry Baker, Col. Adam Murray, and Major George Walker (also an Anglican priest). Their slogan was “No Surrender”.

As the Jacobite army neared, all the buildings outside the city walls were set alight by the defenders to prevent them being used as cover by the besiegers. The Jacobite army reached Derry on April 18. King James and his retinue rode to within 300 yards of Bishop’s Gate and demanded the surrender of the city. He was rebuffed with shouts of “No surrender!”, and some of the defenders fired at him. According to a later account, one of the king’s aides-de-camp was killed by a shot from the city's largest cannon which was called Roaring Meg. James would ask thrice more, but was refused each time. This marked the beginning of the siege. Cannon and mortar fire were exchanged. James returned to Dublin and left his forces under the command of Richard Hamilton.

Halfhearted attempts were made to reduce the city by cannonfire, but the besiegers were generally content to starve the garrison into submission. A strong boom was constructed across the River Foyle, which connected the city to the city, at Culmore. Soon, hunger and disease were taking a heavy toll of both garrison and citizens. An attempt to send a group of strong swimmers to disable the boom failed.

Royal Navy warships under Adm. George Rooke arrived in Lough Foyle on June 11, but initially declined to ram through the heavily defended boom and retired a short distance. The garrison made several attempts to get a messenger through to the squadron with news of the city’s desperate plight, finally succeeding in making the admiral aware of the seriousness of the situation. On July 28, 2 armed merchant ships, Mountjoy and Phoenix, sailed toward the boom, protected by the frigate HMS Dartmouth under Captain John Leake. Mountjoy rammed and breached the boom, and the ships moved in, unloading many tons of food to relieve the siege. The Jacobites withdrew soon thereafter.

The city had endured 105 days of siege during which some 4000 Protestants of a population of 8000 were said to have died.

The siege is commemorated yearly by the Protestant Apprentice Boys of Derry who stage the week-long Maiden City Festival culminating in a parade around the walls of the city by local members, followed by a parade of the city by the full Association. Although violence has attended these parades in the past, those in recent years have been largely peaceful.