The Military History Thread

[Ennath]

June 21, 1919
Scuttling of the High Seas Fleet

With the signing of the Armistice, the Allies agreed that Germany's U-boat fleet should be surrendered without the possibility of return, but the victors had been unable to agree upon a course regarding the German surface fleet. The Americans suggested that the ships be interned in a neutral port until a final decision was reached, but the two countries that were approached - Norway and Spain - both refused. Adm. Rosslyn Wemyss suggested that the fleet be interned at Scapa Flow with a skeleton crew of German sailors, and guarded in the interim by the Grand Fleet. The terms were transmitted to Germany on November 12, instructing them to make the High Seas Fleet ready to sail by November 18.

On the night of November 15, Rear-Adm. Hugo Meurer, representative of Adm. Franz von Hipper, met Adm. David Beatty aboard Beatty's flagship, HMS Queen Elizabeth. Beatty presented Meurer with the terms. The U-boats were to surrender to Rear-Adm. Reginald Tyrwhitt at Harwich, under the supervision of Harwich Force. The surface fleet was to sail to the Firth of Forth and surrender to Beatty. They would then be led to Scapa Flow and interned, pending the outcome of the peace negotiations. Meurer asked for an extension of the deadline, aware that the sailors were still in a mutinous mood, and that the officers might have difficulty in getting them to obey orders. Meurer eventually signed the terms after midnight.

The first craft surrendered were the U-boats, which began to arrive at Harwich on November 20; 176 were eventually handed over. Hipper refused to lead his fleet to the surrender, delegating the task to Rear-Adm. Ludwig von Reuter. The German fleet was met by the light cruiser Cardiffon the morning of November 21, and led to the rendezvous with over 370 Allied ships. There were 70 German ships in total; the battleship König and the light cruiser Dresden had engine trouble and had to be left behind. The destroyer V30 struck a mine while crossing, and sank. The German ships were escorted into the Firth of Forth, where they anchored. Beatty signaled them: “The German flag will be hauled down at sunset today and will not be hoisted again without permission.”

The fleet was then moved to Scapa Flow; the destroyers to Gutter Sound and the battleships and cruisers to the north and west of the island of Cava. Eventually, a total of 74 ships were interned, König and Dresden having arrived on December 6, accompanied by the destroyer V129, which replaced the sunken V30. The last ship to arrive was the battleship Badenon January 9. Initially, the interned ships were guarded by the Battle Cruiser Force (later reduced to the Battle Cruiser Squadron). On May 1, Vice-Adm. Leveson and the Second Battle Squadron of the Atlantic Fleet took over guard duties, and were succeeded on May 18 by Vice-Adm. Sir Sydney Fremantle and the First Battle Squadron.

The state of affairs on the German ships were "one of complete demoralization". The causes were lack of discipline, poor food, lack of recreation and slow postal service. Orders had to be reviewed by sailors’ committees and were not always carried out. Food was sent from Germany twice a month but was monotonous and of low quality. Catching fish and seagulls provided a dietary supplement and some recreation. Recreation for the men was limited to their ships, as the British refused to allow any of the interned sailors ashore or to visit any other German ships. British officers and men were only allowed to visit on official business. There were German doctors in the interned fleet but no dentists, and the British refused to provide dental care.

Command of the interned ships fell to Rear-Adm. von Reuter, aboard the battleship Friedrich der Grosse. Von Reuter, whose health was poor, requested that his flag be transferred to the light cruiser Emden on March 25 after he was repeatedly prevented from sleeping by the stomping on his cabin roof by a group of revolutionary sailors called the "Red Guard". The number of men in his command was continually reduced from the 20,000 men who had sailed the ships over in November. By mid-December, only 4815 were left, of whom approximately 100 were repatriated per month.

Negotiations over the fate of the ships were under way at the Paris Peace Conference. The French and Italians each wanted a quarter of the ships. The British wanted them destroyed, since they knew that any redistribution would be detrimental to the proportional advantage in numbers they had compared to other navies. Under Article XXXI of the Armistice the Germans were not permitted to destroy their ships. Both Admirals Beatty and Madden had approved plans to seize the German ships in case scuttling was attempted; Admirals Keyes and Leveson recommended that the ships be seized anyway and the crews interned ashore, but their suggestions were not taken up. Their concern was not without justification, for as early as January 1919, von Reuter mentioned the possibility of scuttling the fleet to his chief of staff. Having learned of the possible terms of the Treaty of Versailles in May, he began to prepare detailed plans. A further reduction of crews with the departure of two transports to Germany on June 18 meant that von Reuter was left with reliable men to carry out preparations. His orders were sent to the other ships that day.

In the meantime the signing of the Treaty of Versailles was scheduled for noon on June 21. The First Battle Squadron prepared to board the German ships in force to check for signs that the fleet was preparing to scuttle. Adm. Fremantle submitted a scheme for seizing the German ships at midnight of June 21-22, after the treaty was meant to be signed. The plan was approved, but only after being informed that the deadline for signing the treaty was extended to June 23; nobody informed Fremantle. News of the extension was seen by Fremantle in a newspaper on the same day and he assumed it to be true. He had been under orders for some time to exercise his battleships against torpedo attacks, which required good weather in order to recover the torpedoes. The weather on the night of June 20 was favorable so Fremantle ordered his squadron to sea at 0900 the next morning, June 21. The operation to seize the German ships was postponed until the night of his squadron's return on June 23, after the deadline had expired. Fremantle later claimed that before he left Scapa he had unofficially informed von Reuter that the armistice was still in effect.

Around 10:00 AM on June 21, von Reuter sent a flag signal ordering the fleet to stand by. At 11:20 the flag signal was sent: "To all Commanding Officers and the Leader of the Torpedo Boats. Paragraph Eleven of to-day's date. Acknowledge. Chief of the Interned Squadron." The signal was repeated by semaphore and searchlights. Scuttling began immediately: seacocks and flood valves were opened and internal water pipes smashed. Portholes had already been loosened, watertight doors and condenser covers left open, and in some ships holes had been bored through bulkheads. There was no noticeable effect until noon, when Friedrich der Grosse began to list heavily to starboard and all the ships hoisted the Imperial German Ensign at their mainmasts. The crews then began to abandon ship. The British naval forces left at Scapa comprised 3 destroyers, 1 of which was under repair, 7 trawlers and some drifters. Fremantle started receiving news at 12:20 and cancelled his exercise at 12:35, steaming at full speed back to Scapa. He and a division of ships arrived at 2:30 in time to see only the large ships still afloat. The last German ship to sink was the battlecruiser Hindenburg at 5:00, by which time 15 capital ships were sunk, and only Baden survived. 4 light cruisers and 32 destroyers were sunk. 9 Germans were shot and killed and about 16 wounded aboard their lifeboats rowing towards land.

During the afternoon, 1774 Germans were picked up and transported to Invergordon. Fremantle sent out a general order declaring that the Germans were to be treated as prisoners-of-war for having broken the armistice and they were destined for the prisoner-of-war camps at Nigg. Von Reuter and a number of his officers were brought onto the quarterdeck of HMS Revenge, where Fremantle denounced their actions as dishonorable. He subsequently remarked privately, "I could not resist feeling some sympathy for von Reuter, who had preserved his dignity when placed against his will in a highly unpleasant and invidious position."

Of the 74 German ships in Scapa Flow, 15 of the 16 capital ships, 5 of the 8 cruisers, and 32 of the 50 destroyers were sunk. The remainder either remained afloat, or were towed to shallower waters and beached. The beached ships were later dispersed to the allied navies, but most of the sunken ships were initially left at the bottom of Scapa Flow, the cost of salvaging them being deemed to be not worth the potential returns, owing to the glut of scrap metal left after the end of the war, with plenty of obsolete warships having been broken up. After complaints from locals that the wrecks were a hazard to navigation, a salvage company was formed in 1923, which raised 4 of the sunken destroyers.

At about this time, the entrepreneur Ernest Cox became involved. He bought 26 destroyers from the Admiralty for £250, as well as Seydlitz and Hindenburg. He began operations to refloat the destroyers he purchased. He was able to lift 24 of his 26 destroyers over the next year and a half, after which he began work on the larger vessels. He developed a new salvage technique whereby divers patched the holes in the submerged hulls, and then pumped air into them so they would rise to the surface, where they could then be towed to the breakers. Using this technique, he refloated several of the ships. His methods were costly, however, and the final cost of raising Hindenburg ran to some £30,000. Industrial action and a coal strike in 1926 nearly brought operations to a halt, but Cox instead dug out the coal in the submerged Seydlitz, using it to power his machines until the end of the strike.

Cox's company eventually raised 26 destroyers, 2 battlecruisers and 5 battleships. Cox sold his remaining interests to the Alloa Shipbuilding Company and retired as the "man who bought a navy". The latter company went on to raise a further 5 ships, before the outbreak of the Second World War brought operations to a halt. The remaining wrecks lie in deeper waters, and there has been no economic incentive to attempt to raise them since. Minor salvage is still carried out to recover small pieces of steel. This low-background steel is used in the manufacture of radiation-sensitive devices, such as Geiger counters, as it is not contaminated with radioisotopes, having been produced prior to any chance of nuclear contamination. The 7 wrecks that remain are scheduled under the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Areas Act of 1979. Divers are allowed to visit them but need a permit to do so.

While the rebuilding of the German Army in the 1930s was based upon the combined myths of "invincibility on the battlefield" and the "stab in the back", the actions of the High Seas Fleet at Scapa Flow became a symbol of defiance for the new recruits and officers of the Kriegsmarine.

[Ennath]

200
Battle of Yan Ford

As the Han dynasty weakened, the power vacuum was filled by ambitious warlords. Rival warlords Cao Cao and Yuan Shao had been heading toward a direct confrontation since the late 190s, and the first months of 200 saw the opening of hostilities at the Battle of Boma after years of political maneuvering. With a feint, Cao Cao was able to split off Yuan Shao's main force gathered at Liyang, across the river from Boma and hence relieve the siege there, killing Yuan Shao's lieutenant Yan Liang. Considering that the position at Boma was unsuitable for a determined defense, Cao Cao voluntarily abandoned the outpost and evacuated its population and supplies west along the river. With that, Yuan Shao finally crossed the Yellow River in pursuit of Cao Cao's baggage train. However, Cao Cao was not satisfied with just abandoning all lands between Guandu and the river to the enemy - he also wanted to make his rival pay dearly by resisting the enemy advance during the fallback to Guandu.

As a result of Cao Cao's feint during the Battle of Boma, Yuan Shao had brought the advance-guard of his army up the Yellow River toward the western Yan Ford. It was probably at this ford that Yuan Shao's army made the crossing, which was unhindered by Cao Cao. Yuan Shao was almost due north of Cao Cao's defensive positions at Guandu and his base in the capital of Xu City.

Cao Cao's men also reached Yan Ford and made camp below a ridge known as the Southern Slope 6 miles west and 16 miles south of Boma. As Cao Cao's position was on the southern side of a dyke some distance away from the river (meant to control seasonal floodwaters), his men were concealed from Yuan Shao's view while Cao Cao had to send lookouts to scout for enemy movements. The lookout first reported 500-600 enemy cavalry on their way, then reported that there were slightly more cavalry than before and the size of the infantry force was beyond measure. At this point Cao Cao stopped the lookout from reporting, and had his horsemen undo the saddles and release the horses.

The baggage train from Boma appeared on the road north of the dyke at this time, in plain view of Yuan Shao's men. Some of Cao Cao's officers became uneasy at the prospect of so many enemy horsemen, and suggested to return and defend the camp. Cao Cao's strategist Xun You objected, saying: "This is the way we bait the enemy! How can we leave?" Cao Cao smiled.

Wen Chou and Liu Bei, commanders of Yuan Shao's cavalry, leading 5-6000 horse, came one after the other. Cao Cao's men asked to mount up, but Cao Cao refused until Yuan Shao's horsemen, ever increasing in number, split off to raid the baggage train. Cao Cao then gave the permission to mount and all of Cao Cao's horsemen, less than 600 in number, charged at the isolated enemy cavalry, disordered from the fight at the baggage train. Yuan Shao's army was defeated and Wen Chou was killed in action.

Yan Liang and Wen Chou were the most highly regarded generals in Yuan Shao's army, and both were killed in two successive battles. Yuan Shao's army was greatly shaken.

Cao Cao was able to retreat back to his base in Guandu with the men and ample supplies without incident. Yuan Shao followed close behind and made camp at Yangwu, immediately north of Guandu. He had ignored advice to leave a garrison at Yan Ford as a cautious step, and had all his forded forces concentrated at Yangwu, and now a decisive battle became imminent. It would end in total victory for Cao Cao.

[Ennath]

June 22, 1941
Defense of Brest Fortress

The Germans planned to seize Brest-Litovsk and the Brest Fortress which was located in the path of Army Group Center during the first day of Operation Barbarossa. The fortress and the city controlled the crossings over the Bug River, as well as the Warsaw-Moscow railway and highway.

The garrison in the fortress comprised approximately 9000 soldiers, including regulars, border guards and NKVD operatives. The troops belonged to elements of 6th and 42nd Rifle Divisions, under Col. Mikhail Popsuy-Shapko and Maj-Gen. Ivan Lazarenko respectively, 17th Frontier Guards Detachment of the NKVD Border Troops and various smaller units (including the hospital garrison and a medical unit, as well as units of the 132nd Separate NKVD Convoy Battalion) were also inside. There were 300 families of the servicemen in the fortress as well.

The 45th Infantry Division (Austrian) (about 17,000 strong) was to take the fortress during the first day. The 45th had no tanks at its disposal, but was supported on June 22 by a battery of assault guns from 34th Division and on June 29, by some Ju-88s that dropped 23 bombs.

The attack started with a 29-minute shelling, which took the unprepared fortress by surprise, inflicting heavy casualties in both material and personnel. The first German assault groups crossed the Bug River 4 minutes after the bombardment had started; the surprised Soviet defenders were unable to form a solid front and instead defended isolated strongpoints - the most important of which was the fortress itself. Some managed to escape the fortress; most were trapped inside by the encircling German forces. Despite having the advantage of surprise, the subsequent attempt by the Germans to take the fortress with infantry quickly stalled with high losses. Heavy fighting continued two more days.

Meanwhile, the Germans decided to bypass the fortress and continue to advance toward Moscow. Since the bridges over the Bug had all been taken on the first day, the fortress lost much of its strategic importance.

The fighting was concentrated mostly around the fortress and its citadel. On June 24, the Soviets, under the command of Captain Ivan Zubachyov, managed to organize an attempt to break out. They launched a night attack on German positions. Even though the attack was well coordinated, the Germans were prepared. Having cut off the defenders’ water supplies, they knew such an attack was imminent. Soviet casualties were high. This failure severely impaired their ability to launch another attack.

By June 26, most of the citadel had fallen. All remaining defenses were concentrated in the East Fort. The commander of 45th Infantry Division, Fritz Schlieper, wrote to the High Command in his detailed report: “It was impossible to advance here with only infantry at our disposal because the highly organized rifle and machine-gun fire from the deep gun emplacements and horse-shoe-shaped yard cut down anyone who approached. There was only one solution - to force the Soviets to capitulate through hunger and thirst. We were ready to use any means available to exhaust them… Our offers to give themselves up were unsuccessful…” The Germans decided to call in the Luftwaffe. After the bombardment, the last 360 defenders surrendered on June 29.

The total German losses in the battle were 429 killed (about 5% of all German fatalities in Russia to this point) and about 668 wounded. The Soviet losses numbered about 6800 POWs and about 2000 dead.

Since the mid-1950s a master narrative developed, that claimed - contrary to the historical facts - that the fortress held out for 32 days and the defenders would refuse to surrender. Most of the central claims of the official narrative have been proven false. In some cases it became clear that the Museum of the Defense of the Brest Fortress had hidden away documents and had manipulated other documents and items to make the story look more heroic. The fact that most defenders ended up in German captivity, rather than fighting to the death, was systematically downplayed.

[Ennath]

June 23, 1952
Attack on the Sui-ho Dam

The Sui-ho (Sup’ung) Dam on the Yalu River, at the time the 4th largest in the world, had been constructed in 1941. The concrete dam was 2800 feet long, 300 feet thick at the base, 60 feet wide at the crest, and 525 feet high. Its reservoir storage capacity was more than 20 billion cubic meters, and the Japanese had built six turbine generators each with a capacity of 100,000 kilowatts. The dam's generating facilities provided power for much of western North Korea and for the Port Arthur and Dairen regions of northeast China.

3 of the 5 other hydroelectric systems were located in proximity to each other in South Hamgyong Province north of Hungnam. Each consisted of 4 plants 5-10 miles apart along a 30-mile stretch of river. The northernmost, the Kyosen (P'ungsan) system, was on the Namdae Ch'on. The Fusen (Pujon) system was due north of Hungnam on the Songch'on-gang, with its plants close together but in mountain gorges. The Chosin (Changjin) ran south and then east in the mountain canyons from the Chosin Reservoir. All of the plants were on the list of strategically important targets compiled by the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS). B-29 Superfortresses of the USAF had begun bombing industrial targets in North Korea soon after the invasion of the South in the summer of 1950 but had not attacked any part of the power transmission grid. As early as August 23, 1950, planners of the Far East Air Force (FEAF) had asked if the hydroelectric system should be attacked; no decision had yet been made as to whether North Korea was to be occupied.

On September 21, 1950, FEAF attacked a plant of the Fusen system near Hungnam, completely destroying its transformers, and recommended that all the plants be destroyed. Gen. MacArthur directed the attacks to proceed, but before that happened the JCS authorized MacArthur to enter North Korea and advised that targets of "long-term importance" including the hydroelectric plants should not be destroyed. A ban on bombing the Sui-ho Dam was put in place on November 6, by direction of the State Department, to avoid providing a provocation for China to enter the war. Even after China's intervention the following month the ban was never rescinded, and was confirmed by the UN Command when truce talks began in July 1951.

On March 3, 1952, when the peace talks appeared at a stalemate, FEAF commander Gen. Otto Weyland recommended to UN commander Gen. Matthew Ridgway that the hydroelectric plants be attacked to “create psychological and political effects to our advantage.” Ridgway rejected the plan. On April 29, the JCS asked Weyland to provide target recommendations in the event of complete stalemate in talks, and he repeated his recommendation to bomb the hydroelectric plants. On May 2, the Communists totally rejected UN proposals.

Mark Clark replaced Ridgway as UN commander on May 12, the first of a series of key changes in command. On May 19 Vice Adm. Joseph Clark became commander of 7th Fleet, on May 30 Lt-Gen. Glenn Barcus took over 5th Air Force, and on June 4 Vice Adm. Robert Briscoe became commander of Naval Forces Far East. All brought a new aggressiveness and were desirous of attacking the hydroelectric plants. Briscoe made the recommendation to Clark on June 6, followed by Weyland the next day. On June 19, the JCS authorized the attacks, with a tentative date of June 23 or June 24, which would allow Briscoe to use 4 aircraft carriers in the operation. Sui-ho and the 3 systems in South Hamgyong were targeted. In all, 670 Air Force, Navy and Marine aircraft were committed to the attacks.

The mission was to be launched at 0800 June 23, with strikes beginning at 0930 at all targets. However weather reconnaissance reported unbroken clouds over the Yalu River, and Weyland postponed the attack at 0740. As the morning passed, however, the weather system moved south, and Weyland immediately reversed himself and at 1300 ordered the attacks to proceed, using the heavy clouds as concealment for the attackers en route to their targets, with a new attack time of 1600. The aircraft were a mixture of propeller and jet aircraft, and in general the propeller aircraft launched up to an hour earlier to coordinate their arrival over the target. Because the Sui-ho Dam was located less than 40 miles from the MiG base complex at Antung/Tai Ton Chao/Phen Chen in China, where 150 MiGs had been counted by the weather reconnaissance, a simultaneous arrival over the targets was crucial to limiting the effectiveness of any defensive reaction.

The carrier aircraft crossed the Korean coast northeast of Hungnam and flew low over the mountains at 5000 feet to mask their radar signature. The propeller and jet divisions rendezvoused 50 miles east of Sui-ho shortly before 1600 and climbed to the attack altitude of 10,000 feet for a high-speed run-in. 84 F-86 Sabres were the first to arrive, tasked to provide cover against MiG attack and, according to one participant, to prevent MiGs from taking off by overflying their bases at low altitude, even though officially UN aircraft were not allowed to cross the Yalu except in hot pursuit. According to US sources, 160 MiGs took off before the arrival of the covering force but flew deeper into China, possibly fearing that their airfields were the targets, and none attempted to intercept. Incursions into Manchuria to surprise MiGs over their own airfields had resulted in heavy losses for the Soviets during the previous months, with at least half of the MiGs lost in April and May shot down during take-offs or landings. The Soviets developed a counter-tactic to cover takeoffs from Antung with combat air patrols launched from Mukden and Anshan, but on June 23, despite good weather over Antung, poor conditions at Mukden prevented MiGs from taking off. In turn, this kept Soviet fighters based at Antung from countering the strike, to avoid pointless losses during takeoffs.

At 1600, 35 Navy F9F Panthers began runs to suppress the AA fire from 44 heavy guns and 37 automatic weapons emplacements reported around the dam. 35 AD Skyraiders then began their dive-bombing runs on the Sui-ho generating stations. Between 1610 and 1700, Air Force jets added 145 tons of bombs on the generating plant. At almost the same time, 52 US and South African F-51 Mustangs struck the Fusen plants west of Hungnam, while 40 Marine Skyraiders and F4U Corsairs and 38 Panthers bombed Choshin. The lower Fusen plants and the Kyosen complex were bombed by 102 Corsairs, 18 Skyraiders, and 18 Panthers off the carriers. In all on June 23, Task Force 77 flew 208 strike sorties and FEAF 202..

Although reconnaissance photos and assessments by returning pilots indicated heavy damage to the plants, most of the targets were re-struck the next day in both morning and afternoon missions. In the morning missions, Air Force F-84s and Navy Skyraiders attacked Sui-ho, judging it totally destroyed. Naval aircraft bombed Fusen, Mustangs hit the unscathed Choshin plants 1 and 2, and naval planes struck the remainder of the Kyosen plants. In the afternoon naval planes completed the destruction of Kyosen No. 3. Other carrier aircraft struck transformer stations along the power grid. After a pause on June 25, Choshin and Fusen were re-attacked by smaller numbers of Air Force fighters on June 26-27 to complete the hydroelectric attacks. Overall UN losses were 5 aircraft; all of the pilots were rescued. Multiple MiGs were shot down, but the number is uncertain.

Some 90% of North Korea's power-production capacity was destroyed, with 11 of the 13 generating plants put totally out of operation and the remaining 2 doubtful of operating. China suffered an estimated loss of 23% of its electric requirements for northeast China, and estimates stated that industrial output in 60% of its key industries in the Dairen region failed to meet production quotas. For 2 weeks North Korea endured a total power blackout. Both China and the Soviet Union immediately sent technicians to repair or rebuild lost generators. For much of the summer of 1952 only approximately 10% of former energy production was restored, primarily by thermoelectric plants.

Any effect the attacks had on the Communist representatives at the truce talks was immediately negated by reaction of the left wing in London. Labor Party leaders Clement Attlee and Aneurin Bevan criticized the operation as risking World War III, even though there were no allegations of territorial violations or objections that the plants were non-military targets. They immediately called for a vote in the Commons to censure the Churchill government, over failure to get the US to consult Britain beforehand. The government barely survived the vote after Secretary of State Dean Acheson publicly took the blame, stating the US was at fault for not consulting the British "as a courtesy", although the price for this stance was undercutting Clark and the Panmunjom negotiators. The other crippling the political effect of the strikes occurred in the United States and was just the opposite of that in Britain. Critics of the Truman administration in Congress quickly seized on the military success of the strikes to question why the attacks had taken almost 2 years to be approved.

Despite the lack of political effect on the truce talks, and the widely publicized negative reactions on both sides, the campaign against the hydroelectric system became an acceptable tactic of UN forces.

[Ennath]

589
Sui Conquest of China

After the fall of Western Jin in 313, China was divided into northern and southern dynasties, with the north usually ruled by Sinicized nomads. In 577, the Xianbei-ruled Northern Zhou conquered the Northern Qi in 577 and reunified northern China. In summer 580, Emperor Xuan sent Yang Jian, an ethnic Han Chinese, to be the commandant of Yang Province (to prepare for a campaign against Chen. Before Yang Jian could depart, however, Emperor Xuan suddenly died. Yang was summoned to serve as regent, as his daughter was the Empress Dowager following her child stepson being installed as emperor. Yang immediately pleased officials at the capital by abolishing the wastefulness and cruel policies of Xuan, and he himself demonstrated both hard work and frugality, which impressed the people. He was soon faced with a rebellion by general Yuchi Jiong, but this was crushed in 68 days.

Around the new year 581, he was made Prince of Sui. That spring 581, he usurped the throne, ending Northern Zhou and establishing Sui Dynasty, as Emperor Wen. In a bloody purge, he had 59 princes of the Zhou royal family eliminated, yet nevertheless became known as the "Cultured Emperor". Emperor Wen initiated a series of reforms aimed at strengthening his empire for the wars that would reunify China.

Emperor Wen ended tribute payments to the Gökturks of Northern Qi, they retaliated with a series of border raids. The emperor responded by backing rival khans and keeping the Turks occupied with internal struggles. In 581, he commissioned a major attack on Chen, the dynasty ruling the south, and while it was initially successful, he withdrew in spring 582 after hearing that Emperor Xuan of Chen had died and believing it wrongful to attack a state whose emperor had just died. By spring 583, the Turks’ internal dissension had become serious enough that Emperor Wen felt comfortable enough to commission his brother Yang Shuang to command a major attack. By the end of 584, Northern Qi had been completely conquered.

In fall 587, Emperor Wen summoned Western Liang's Emperor Jing, a vassal, to Chang'an to meet him. Emperor Jing complied. While Jing was away, however, Emperor Wen, believing that Jing’s capital at Jiangling would not be guarded well guarded, sent his general Cui Hongdu to take it. In response, the city surrendered itself to Chen. Emperor Wen abolished Western Liang, directly seizing its territory, while creating Emperor Jing the Duke of Ju. Wen, who had been planning to conquer Chen for years, now stepped up his preparations. In spring 588, he publicly announced a campaign against Chen, to be commanded by Yang Guang, another of his sons Yang Jun, and Yang Su, with Yang Guang in overall command.

By spring 589, the Sui had amassed 518,000 troops along the northern bank of the Yangtze River, stretching from Sichuan to the East China Sea. Sui general Heruo Bi crossed the Yangtze at Jingkou, and Han Qinhu crossed at Caishi. Meanwhile, Yang Su was advancing from the west down the Yangtze, and Yang Jun was stationed in the middle Yangtze region, cutting off any Chen forces that might have been able to come to the aid of Chen's capital Jiankang. Heruo soon defeated and captured the Chen general Xiao Mohe, who was making a final attempt to repel Heruo and Han's forces from Jiankang, which fell immediately after and was razed to the ground. Emperor Chen Shubao was captured but not harmed. Rather, he and his clan members were transported to Chang'an, where Emperor Wen treated them as honored guests. The northern nobles were fascinated by their guests and in everything the south had to provide culturally and intellectually. Some Chen generals briefly resisted, but soon the Sui had control and had united China.

[Ennath]

June 24, 1859
Repulse from Taku

Taku is a village near the mouth of the Pei-ho River; 34 miles above the river is Tientsin, at the fork of the Pei-ho with the Grand Canal. Tientsin is the port of Peking and a place of much commerce. In 1858, as part of the 2nd Opium War, French and British forces had battled their way to Tientsin, passing the Taku Forts at the Pei-ho's mouth with little difficulty; the works were insufficiently armed and held by a weak garrison which put up little defense. The Chinese sued for peace, and a treaty was signed containing, among other stipulations, an agreement that the envoys of Britain and France were to be received at Peking within a year, and that the treaty was to be ratified there. As soon as the allies withdrew, the Chinese attempted to have it arranged so that the treaty would be ratified elsewhere, so as to keep foreigners out of the capital.

The UK and France insisted on the original agreement and the envoys arrived off the mouth of the Pei-ho in June 1859, announcing their intention of proceeding to Peking. An allied fleet, under the command of Rear Adm. James Hope, escorted them. It was found that not only had the forts at the river mouth been repaired, but the river was blocked to anything larger than rowing boats by a series of strong metal barriers. The admiral was informed that these had been placed to keep out pirates was promised that they would be removed. Despite this, the local Mandarins began work on strengthening the defenses. On June 21, Adm. Hope sent the Quig commander, Hang Fu, a letter warning him that if the obstructions were not cleared by the evening of the 24th, he would remove them by force. The Chinese failed to comply and the Anglo-French fleet prepared for battle.

The engineers in the fleet surveyed the defenses and watched a junk lowering a 25 foot iron stake into the river. At high tide, this spike would be a few feet below water. Beyond the spikes could be seen a barrier of logs fixed together to form cylinders, 24 feet long, a cable passed through the center of each and used to float two chains, run from bank to bank, below the water level.

Hope had several powerful ships in his squadron, but none could take a direct part in the coming fight, since the entrance to the Pei-ho was obstructed by a wide stretch of shallows, the depth at the bar being only 2 feet at low tide, and a little more than 11 at high tide. Because of this, the British could only rely on 11 steam gunboats, of light draft, built during the Crimean War for use in the shallow waters of the Baltic and Black Seas. They carried 48 guns altogether, with 500 men. The more heavily armed steamers outside the sand bar, were to offload another 500 marines and sailors via steam launches, boats and an unknown number of junks. This force was meant to be used as a landing party to attack the forts once their guns had been silenced. A French frigate was also on the scene but was too large to engage in the battle. Her crew would participate in the final land engagement. Hope crossed the bar with his 11 gunboats and anchored below the forts on the June 23. No one expected that the ensuing battle would be difficult.

The Taku Forts consisted of several structures, a big fort on the south side protected the coast, with earthen ramparts nearly half a mile long, and guard towers behind them. At the other end of the complex sat another large fortress on the north bank of the river; many smaller forts sat in between. The British believed that only a small garrison held the defenses. In fact, there were 4000 troops and 60 guns. Sengge Rinchen commanded.

On the evening of June 24, no answer having been received, Hope announced that the attack would be made next day, and after dark the Admiral sent in one of his officers, Captain George Willes, and a few enlisted men in 3 armed launches, filled with explosives to scout the obstacles. Rowing quietly under cover of darkness, the boats placed a mine that blew a whole in the 2nd line of obstacles. Before the next morning the Chinese had repaired it.

On the morning of June 25, the gunboat flotilla cleared for action. Adm. Hope’s orders were that 9 of the boats should anchor close to the first barrier and bring their guns to bear on the forts, while the other 2 broke through the barriers to clear the way for a further advance. High tide came at 11:30 and it was intended that all of the boats would be in position by then. However, the difficulty of moving so many boats in a narrow channel no more than 200 yards wide, with a strong current and with mud banks covered by shallow water on each side, caused delays and it was not long before 2 boats were aground. So far, the Chinese forts had shown no sign of life. Their embrasures were closed and not a single soldier was seen on the mud ramparts.

Plover, with Adm. Hope aboard, was close to the first barrier of spikes with Opossum, commanded by Captain Willes, which was to destroy the first obstacle. At 2:00, upon a signal from the admiral, Opossum attached a cable, passed it over one of her winches, reversed engines, and tried rip the spike up and out of the river bottom. It was so well emplaced that it was half an hour of work to remove 2 obstacles and place buoys to mark the opening. Plover now steamed through the gap, followed by other boats.

As the boats approached the floating barrier, the Chinese in the South Fort opened fire. Immediately in all the forts, banners were raised, embrasures were opened and guns run out. A heavy, well-directed fire poured onto the leading boats. Hope’s signal "Engage the enemy" flew from Plover. The gunboats anchored and began to fire on the Chinese positions. Chinese fire was so steady that for years afterwards many of the British veterans believed that trained European gunners were actually working the Chinese batteries. After less than 20 minutes, Plover had 31 killed or wounded out of a 40-man crew. Hope was wounded in the thigh but refused to leave the deck.

Around this time the American steamer Toey-Wan of the Pacific Squadron anchored outside the bar. Commodore Josiah Tattnall went to Plover, under fire, to offer assistance. Commodore Tattnall, a veteran of the War of 1812, put aside his mistrust of the British and justified his presence by stating “blood is thicker than water”, a now famous saying. As a neutral, he could not join the attack, but he sent a launch to evacuate the wounded.

Several other gunboats were now suffering damage. By 5:30, 6 of 11 gunboats had been sunk, disabled or otherwise put out of action. The fire of the Chinese forts was slackening, though, and at 6:30, after a rushed meeting, it was resolved to begin the land attack of marines and sailors who had been waiting in small boats inside the bar. Their objective was the South Fort. The time was after 7:00 and very little daylight was left, when the boats were towed in by Opossum, Toey Wan and one of the armed steamships, being used by the American Commodore. Captain Shadwell took command of the landing party; 60 French sailors, accompanied them, along with a party of engineers and sappers with ladders.

As the boats pulled into the shore, fire from the North Fort had ceased, and only an occasional shot was fired from the long rampart of the South fort. The tide had fallen so far that it was not possible to get very near to the actual shore, this made the landing of almost 1200 men more difficult. The force had to make its way across 500-600 yards of mud, weeds, and small pools of water, the ground reportedly so soft in places that a man could sink to his waist if he stepped in the wrong spot. As soon as the men of the first boat stepped ashore, the entire front of the South Fort opened fire. The gunboats resumed fire until the land force began their advance.

As Chinese fire poured on the attackers, it was difficult to return fire as many rifles were full of mud and their ammunition was wet. Captain Shadwell was one of the first men wounded. 3 broad ditches lay between the landing zone and the fort; no more than 150 men reached the 2nd and only 50 the 3rd, just below the Chinese rampart. Only one scaling ladder reached the wall. The ladder was raised against the rampart, but as the men began to climb, it was pushed back and broken. The British and French were forced to retreat to their boats by 10:00. The sky was dark but was lit by the Chinese who burnt blue lights and launched rockets and fireballs at the retiring allies. At 1:00 AM on June 26, the last men of the landing party re-embarked. The remaining gunboats retreated down to the bar. Another shore party was sent in later that morning to blow up or burn the grounded gunboats that could not be freed.

68 men were killed in the land attack (12 French) and nearly 300 wounded (23 French). 81 Britons in total died as result of the fighting with a total of 345 wounded. Sometime during the battle, an American launch evacuating wounded with Tattnall on board was attacked by Chinese batteries; 1 American was killed and 1 wounded. Chinese casualties are unknown. The allies had underestimated their enemy.

Within the next year an allied force under Gen. Sir James Hope Grant and Gen. Charles Cousin-Montauban, launched another expedition. This attack was successful, opening the route to Peking.

[Ennath]

June 25, 1806
1st Buenos Aires Expedition

In 1796, Spain joined France in its war with Britain, thus giving Britain cause for military action against Spanish colonies. In 1805 Britain judged it the right moment after the defeat of the Franco-Spanish fleet at the Battle of Trafalgar (see posting). This battle forced Spain to reduce to a minimum its naval communications with its American colonies. Historically, Buenos Aires had been relatively neglected by Spain, which sent most of its ships to the more economically important city of Lima. The last time a significant Spanish military force had arrived in Buenos Aires had been in 1784.

In 1805 Adm. Home Popham received orders to escort the expedition against the Dutch colony of the Cape of Good Hope. With nearly 6300 men they took it in January 1806 (see posting, Battle of Blaauwberg). Popham received new orders from the admiralty to patrol the east coast of South America, from Rio de Janeiro to the Río de la Plata, in order to detect any attempt to counterattack the Cape. However, Popham had the idea of taking the Río de la Plata with a military action similar to the one made at the Cape. His agent William White had informed him of the local politics in Buenos Aires, such as the discontent among some groups at the restrictive regulations enforced by Spain on international commerce. Popham informed Gen David Baird, commanding at the Cape, of his intent to take the area, with or without his help. Baird gave him the 71st Regiment, artillery and 1000 other troops, promoted William Carr Beresford to general and designated him vice-governor of the colony if it was taken. The expedition received another 300 men from the Artillery and St Helena Regiment. There are 1660 troops in total.

The Spanish Viceroy, Marquis Rafael de Sobremonte, had asked the Spanish Crown for reinforcements many times, but had only received a shipment of a few thousand muskets and instructions to form a militia. Buenos Aires was then a large settlement housing about 45,000, but the Viceroy was reluctant to give weapons to the Creole population. The best troops had been dispatched to Upper Peru (Bolivia) and when he learned of the British presence he dispatched the remaining troops to Montevideo, considering that the attack would be on that city. Thus, the British found Buenos Aires almost defenseless.

The British took Quilmes, near Buenos Aires, on June 25, 1806, and occupied Buenos Aires on the 27th. The Viceroy fled to Córdoba with the city's treasury, but lost it to British forces during his escape. Although his action was in line with a law enacted by former Viceroy Pedro de Cevallos, which required the treasury to be kept safe in case of a foreign attack, he was seen as a coward by the population.

The wealthy members of society were not pleased with the British arrival. Nevertheless, the politicians swore loyalty to them, with the exception of Manuel Belgrano who said “We want the old Master or none at all”, leaving for the Banda Oriental (Uruguay). Religious leaders swore loyalty as well, after securing the promise that the Catholic religion would be respected. However, the bulk of the population did not like the new situation and rejected the British. Merchants were also displeased by the repeal of the Spanish monopoly of commerce and the opening to free trade, as it harmed their interests; one of their leaders was Martín de Álzaga.

Álzaga organized the digging of a secret tunnel to the fort, where the British were located, with the purpose of filling it with explosives and attacking by surprise. Juan Martín de Pueyrredón organized a militia near the city, but was discovered before being ready, and his troops were defeated. Santiago de Liniers, who was assigned to guard a nearby coast defense, got into the city and weighed the situation. He convinced Álzaga to hold to his plan, and moved to Montevideo. The governor there, Ruiz Huidobro, gave him command of 550 veterans and 400 other soldiers to retake Buenos Aires. Sobremonte was doing the same in Córdoba, but Liniers got to Buenos Aires first.

On August 4, Liniers landed at Las Conchas, north of Buenos Aires, and advanced with a mixed force of Buenos Aires line troops and Montevideo Militia toward the city. On August 10 he took control of the strategic points of Miserere and El Retiro, holding the north and west entries to the city. Beresford finally surrendered on August 14. An open council decided afterwards to depose Sobremonte from military authority, and giving such authority, instead, to the victorious Liniers. Sobremonte would not return to Buenos Aires, and moved to Montevideo instead. The council also decided to prepare the city against the possibility of a British counterattack. This would come the following year.

[Ennath]

June 26, 1877
Battle of Simnitza

By late June 1877, the Russian army had closed up to the Danube and neutralized Ottoman naval power on the river. The task of forcing a passage of the river was assigned to the 14th Division of Lt-Gen. Mikhail Dragomirov.

While the naval actions on the Danube had been occurring, Russian engineers had been scouting the country on both banks. It was clearly essential that the crossing point be kept secret from the Turks until the last possible moment. A suitable ,location for the assembly of bridging material was found at the Aluta River, which joins the Danube just above Nikopol; the point selected for the crossing therefore needed to be close by. The point chosen was originally at Simnitza, but it soon appeared that the level of the Danube there was too high. Instead it was decided to cross near Nicopolis, but after personally observing this stretch of the river, the army commander Grand Duke Nicholas determined that the Turkish works here were too strong and reverted to the choice of Simnitza.

In order to focus Turkish attention on the Russian left and confirm the impression that the main advance would come through the Dobruja, Dragomirov’s crossing would be preceded by a crossing between Galatz and Braila by Lt-Gen. Zimmermann’s 14th Corps, plus a division of 4th Corps. Construction of a pontoon bridge near Braila was begun on June 12, but the river was till too high and 2500 yards wide; Zimmermann reported that a crossing was, for the moment, impossible. This was not good enough and he was sharply ordered to be over the river by the 22nd. Since he could not use a bridge, he resolved to cross in boats, rafts and steam tugs from Galatz, the first objective being the Budschak Hills, overlooking the marshes at the landing site. The crossing began at 3 AM on the 22nd. At first the Turks on the hills hotly disputed the landing, but as more Russian troops crossed, the Turks fell back south of Matchin. The Russians took 142 casualties. Zimmermann brought the rest of his forces over without interruption and slowly followed the retreating Turks
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By now Tsar Alexander II had arrived to join his army. As part of the deception plan, he announced that he had come to watch his troops cross the Danube and established his HQ at Turnu Magurelle, one of the alternatives to Simnitza that had been considered.

By June 24, the original target date for the main crossing, the Russians had not yet reached their jumping off point and the operation was postponed to the night of June 26-27. Dragomirov had his 14th Division (4 regiments), 4th Rifle Brigade and supporting troops. The total amounted to 17 battalions, 6 Cossack squadrons and 64 guns. In support, 13th Corps would feint at Piatra and 4th Corps at Flamunda. Dragomirov split his available forces into 6 groups of 2500 men each, with 2 assigned to the initial crossing, Strict orders were issued that not a shot was to be fired until the opposite bank was reached. Prince Mirsky’s 13th Division would follow up the crossing, or be committed if the 14th faltered.

On June 24, the Russian artillery concentrated opposite Ruschuk began a heavy bombardment. The next evening Nikopol and the batteries covering the Aluta River were also bombarded. These attacks continued through the 27th, the Turkish guns eventually being entirely silenced and 2 batteries destroyed. This confirmed the belief of Turkish commanders that the crossing would come at Nikopol.

The river was wide at the crossing point. Just south of Simnitza was the town of Svistov on the south bank; below here the Turkish bank was steep, at some points precipitous. About 2 miles downriver was a small cove with a camp occupied by a militia company., while on the hills behind was a battery of heavy guns. The Turks numbered about 4000 men in the vicinity, comprising the brigade of Ismid Pasha and supporting artillery. Ahmed Namdy Pasha was in overall command.

The chosen crossing point presented difficulties. The north bank was high, but was separated from the Danube by a low lying stretch of land, part meadow and part mud, which was just emerging from inundation. These flats were cut off from Simnitza by a narrow arm of the Danube, so that it was effectively an island. Recent floods had wrecked the bridge here, so a short pontoon was built to reach the flats.

On the afternoon of the 26th, Dragomirov’s troops were discreetly concentrated on the shore near Simnitza with their pontoons. As night fell, they began to cross to the flats. The bridges creaked so loudly that it was feared the Turks would discover the move. Hay was taken from the horses and laid over the bridges, which to some extent muted their passage. The troops had discarded their white uniforms and were wearing their heavy duty blue uniforms.

The embarkation began about midnight., but was after 1:00 when the crossing began. The boats set out in a line, but currents, and different speeds maintained by the rowers, separated them. They were halfway across when they were spotted and the Turks opened fire. One boat with 40 men was hit and sunk. Two others, lashed to a raft carrying 2 mountain guns, were also sunk. Apart from these, losses during the crossing were not great and 208 boats made it to the south bank.

After consolidating, the Russians launched a bayonet attack to seize the cliffs. By 2:00, the leading Russian troops had advanced 3/4 mile. At dawn, Ahmed Namdy sent 2 battalions, but these were quite unable to hold their positions as more Russian troops came ashore; the late response was due to the complete success of the deception operations. Dragomirov arrived at 5 AM and pushed the attack, establishing a firm position. By 11:00,he had sufficient men across to consider making a significant advance on the Svistov Heights. By 3 PM, these had fallen and the Russians were in Svistov itself. Turkish opposition now crumbled. Ahmed Namdy retreated to Tirnova and Nikopol. By nightfall, the whole of 8th Corps had made the crossing.

The Russians lost 821 men killed and wounded. Turkish losses are estimated at 700. The crossing had been a brilliant success, but led the Russians to begin underestimating their enemy. This would prove costly once the Russians reached Plevna (see posting, Fall of Plevna).

[Ennath]

June 27, 1866
Battle of Trautenau

The Prussians invaded Bohemia in 2 large groups. In the west the Army of the Elbe and 1st Army advanced towards the River Iser. In the east 2nd Army, under Crown Prince Friedrich Wilhelm, had the more difficult task. It had to cross the Bohemia Mountains through 3 passes and establish itself on the Austrian side before the Austrian army could concentrate against it. The Austrians were planning to concentrate at Josephstadt on the Elbe, so the main Austrian army was closer to the Crown Prince's army than to the Prussian western armies.

2nd Army advanced in three columns. On the right (western) flank was the I Corps, under Gen. Adolf von Bonin. In the center was the Guards Corps and on the left (eastern) flank was V Corps. In theory V Corps had the more difficult task, as their route brought them out closest to the Austrian concentration, but I Corps performed the worst.

On June 27, Von Bonin ordered his corps to advance in 2 columns. The right-hand column was to provide the advance guard. The main body of both columns was to advance to Parschnitz, a short distance east of Trautenau, and wait there until the advance guard had moved through Trautenau. Unfortunately for the Prussians, the right-hand column, including the advance guard, was held up by slow roads. Von Clausewitz's left-hand column reached Parschnitz at about 8 AM, but then paused there for 2 hours waiting for the advance guard. Only then did the advance guard move on.

Trautenau sat on the south bank of the River Aupa. The Prussians approached along a road that ran along the northern side of the river, and crossed it just north of the town. The town was overlooked by 3 hills - the Galgenberg, Kapellenberg and Hopfenberg, all just to the southeast of the town. Roads ran on both sides of these hills, with one running southeast to Alt-Rognitz and one running south to Hohnebruck.

The Prussian delay gave the Austrians time to move troops into the town. First to arrive was Mondl's brigade from Austrian 10th Corps (Gen. Baron Ludwig von Gablenz). They took up a position in the town and on the hills overlooking it.

The Prussian advance guard quickly captured the bridge, and after some hard fighting pushed the Austrians out of the town. They then discovered that the Austrian possession of the high ground meant that their position was vulnerable, while the Austrian Windischgrätz Dragoons were waiting outside the town to pounce on any Prussian advance. The Prussian 1st Dragoons were sent to attack the Austrian cavalry and had the best of a minor melee.

Bonin ordered 2 battalions and a company of Jägers (part of the advance guard) to attack up the hills. This was difficult terrain, and the advance was slow. He decided to sent another force (variously given as 5 or 8 battalions) to cross the Aupa and attack the right flank of the Austrian position, heading towards the village of Alt-Rognitz. This attack was even slower, and the advance guard reached the top of the hills before the out-flanking attack was complete. The combined attack ended in success. The Austrians withdrew to Neu-Rognitz, southwest of Alt-Rognitz. By 3 PM the Prussians occupied Hohenbruck and Alt-Rognitz, but half of the available troops were withdrawn to Trautenau to prepare for the advance west.

At some time between noon and 1 PM a message arrived from the 1st Guards Division, part of the Prussian central column, offering assistance. With the battle going well, Bonin turned down this offer of assistance. The Prussians suffered for their over-confidence. Gablenz was approaching from the west with his entire corps. At about 3:30, the Austrians launched a major counterattack. Mondl's brigade attacked towards Hohnebruck and Grivicic's brigade towards Alt-Rognitz. The Prussians were forced to retreat at about 4:00. Prussian reinforcements held up the advance for a time, but the Austrians retook Hohenbruck at around 4.30.

The Prussians began a full-scale retreat towards Parschnitz. 43rd Regiment conducted a successful rearguard action on the hills east of the Trautenau, and held up Wimpfen's brigade for some time. At 6:00 the Austrians threw in Knebel's brigade, and 43rd Regiment was forced to retreat. 3rd Grenadier Regiment also took part in the rearguard action, but this stage of the Austrian pursuit was well handled, and the Prussians were forced to abandon a plan to defend Trautenau. By the end of the retreat Bonin's corps was back where it had started the day. Gablenz himself spent the night at Trautenau.

The Battle of Trautenau was one of the few clear-cut Austrian victories of the war, but it was Pyrrhic. Austrians losses are given as roughly 5750 men (exact figures vary). The Prussians lost 244 killed, 1008 wounded and 86 missing, a total of 1,338 casualties. The difference is normally credited to the superior firepower of the Prussian breach-loading “needle guns” when compared to the Austrian muzzle loaders.

This was only a temporary setback for the Prussians. On the following days the Guards Corps attacked Gablenz's 10th Corps in a new position south of Trautenau (Battle of Soor). This time the Prussians were victorious, and the Austrians were forced to retreat west. On the following day the Prussian Guards captured Königinhof, and with it gained a foothold across the Elbe.

[Ennath]

833
Field of Lies

Louis the Pious, Holy Roman Emperor, inherited a vast empire from his father Charlemagne in 814. Louis’ role as Emperor carried with it the ecclesiastical basis for universal power; the concept that one of the Emperor’s duties was to protect the Church. In the past, Frankish rulers treated kingdoms as private estates and, at death, the territory was divided among their sons. However, possessing a universal authority to preserve the Church meant preserving the unity of the empire. Following this reasoning, for Louis to divide the empire among his sons was to commit a mortal sin. The unity of the empire had to be maintained; thus, Louis prayed to God for inspiration to decide which son should be the inheritor. The eldest of the three, Lothar, was selected and was then associated with imperial authority, crowned co-emperor and ordered to look after and rule over his younger brothers, Pepin and Louis. These actions were to have serious consequences for both the succession, and integrity of the Frankish realm.

After the death of his first wife, Louis married Judith, who bore him another son, Charles, in 823. The accommodations required when a new heir was born brought on a crisis in the family. This included dissatisfied nobles and greedy bishops persuading Louis’ sons, that their father wished to destroy their inheritance. Louis the Pious’ attempt to make Charles co-heir to the Frankish kingdom caused agitation among his sons.

The division of the realm between Lothar and Charles stirred up Frankish aristocrats. The various dissatisfied nobles and clans caused Lothar, Pepin and Louis to form a common league against their father and to muster a large army of supporters. The brothers called upon Pope Gregory IV, hoping that he could help reconcile father to sons. Rumors began to circulate that if there was any disobedience to the Pope’s will or that of Louis the Pious’ sons, the Pope would excommunicate Louis and his bishops.

An assembly was held in Alsace in 833. This assembly included the convergence of Louis the Pious, his 3 elder sons, their respective armies and Pope Gregory (with his entourage). This event was to be known as the Field of Lies, because those who had sworn fealty to the emperor betrayed him to join his sons. It was here that Louis had to confront his sons and their moral pretext of defending the realm.

As Louis stood in battle formation he received Pope Gregory. The Pope reported hearing of the succession dispute and that he was there to help restore peace. Louis stated his position and Pope Gregory returned to the Emperor's sons, but his efforts were in vain. Due to bribes, threats or promises, Louis’ sworn supporters were defecting in droves. The defection grew in momentum as the days passed and Lothar, Pepin and Louis were threatening to launch an attack. Louis found himself in a position where, if an armed conflict were to take place, he would be overwhelmed.

The Emperor agreed to meet his sons on the field. There, he reminded them of the promises they had made to him and his son (Charles) then proceeded to their camp. They told their father to abandon his camp and join them at theirs; with no real choice, he gave in. Louis the Pious was held in a pavilion designed for the specific purpose of keeping him at the rebel camp.

After this, the empire was partitioned among the brothers. Pope Gregory departed for Italy, Pepin returned to Aquitaine, and young Louis to Bavaria. Young Charles was banished to Italy and his mother sent to a convent. Lothar took their father Louis with him as he continued on with his many duties. As Lothar traveled across his territory, he kept his father under constant watch.

Louis the Pious then performed a public display of penance for his crimes against the empire and God. After this penance, his son Louis was compelled to make peace with him for the unity of the empire. After another shift of loyalties, Lothar fled to Burgundy and Louis the Pious was restored to power in 834.