The Military History Thread

[Ennath]

January 14, 1797
Battle of Rivoli

At the start of 1797, the fortress of Mantua had been under siege by the armies of the FrenchRepublic for over 4 months. Three relief attempts had failed and the garrison’s supplies were running low. In his first attempt to raise the siege in November, General Joszef Alvinczy had advanced from Friuli, in the northeastern corner of Italy, while a second army advanced down the Adige, j to join up near Verona. This plan had come close to success, but the two armies had been prevented from joining up by Napoleon Bonaparte’s victory at Arcola.

This time Alvinczy decided to take command of the main army, 28,000 strong, advancing down the Adige. Once again a second army was to advance from Friuli, but this time the two armies were not meant to operate together. While Alvinczy advanced down the Adige, the second army under General Provera was to advance towards Verona and Legnago with 18,000 men. Each Austrian army was to defeat the French troops on their front and advance on Mantua.

The Austrian advance began on January 10, 1797. By the 12th Alvinczy was in contact with Barthélemy Joubert, who had 10,000 men at La Corona, north of Rivoli. On the following day Joubert was forced to pull back to Rivoli, taking up a strong position on the plateau. The Austrians followed, and on the night of January 13-14, 3 of their 5 columns camped on the southern slopes of Monte Baldo. Joubert was joined by Louis-Alexandre Berthier and, at 2 AM on January 14, by Bonaparte, who brought up elements of André Masséna's division. The battle would be a contest between Alvinczy’s efforts to concentrate his dispersed columns versus the arrival of French reinforcements.

Bonaparte was familiar with the Rivoli plateau, having passed through the area earlier in the Italian campaign. The plateau was made up of two concentric semi-circles centered on the village of Rivoli. The outer rim of the plateau was made up of the Monte Baldo to the north and Monte Moscat to the south west. The inner plateau was ringed by the semi-circular Trombalore Heights. The entire plateau was raised above the level of the Adige River, which runs through a steep sided trench to the east. A second river, the Tasso, ran in a semi-circle around the outer plateau, effectively surrounding the French position.

At the start of January 14, the only French forces at Rivoli were the 10,000 men under General Joubert. They were camped on the inner plateau, around the village. Masséna and General Rey were both on their way. Masséna, who was coming from Verona, would arrive at around dawn, while Rey appeared towards noon. This would bring French strength to 23,000 men, but they would have to hold first.

The Austrian plan of attack was typically elaborate. Rather than simply overwhelm Joubert's 10,000 men Alvinczy decided to attack in 6 columns, hoping to envelop the smaller French force. On the Austrian left Josef Vukassovich was sent down the east bank of the Adige River with 5000 men. Peter von Quosdanovich advanced along the road that ran along the west bank of the river with 9000 men and most of the artillery and cavalry. In the center three columns (Liptay, Koblos and Ocksay) were sent across the Monte Baldo. The poor state of the mountain roads meant that these central columns were very weak in artillery. On the Austrian right General Lusignan was sent on a wide outflanking movement that was designed to bring him to Affi, in the French rear.

This plan effectively reduced the Austrian advantage in numbers. Vukassovich was completely cut off from the main battle, and only contributed some artillery fire. Lusignan didn't arrive until the battle was effectively lost. Even in the center Quosdanovich was cut off from the main attack by the Monte Magnone, a long steep sided ridge that runs next to the river, and when he did finally attack had to advance up a steep hill that climbed onto the plateau. Only some 12,000 Austrians would be engaged in the initial attacks.

The battle began at around 7.00 AM, when Joubert advanced against the three central Austrian columns. Although Joubert was outnumbered (9000 to 12,000) the Austrians lacked artillery at first. At 9:00, the brigades of Koblos and Lipthay counterattacked the French on the Trambasore Heights. Another column under Prince Heinrich of Reuss-Plauen attempted to turn the French right via the Rivoli gorge. Liptay broke the French 29th and 85th demi-brigades, and threatened to turn Bonaparte’s left. Meanwhile, on the French right flank, Vukassovich had established batteries opposite Osteria. The fire of his guns and the pressure from Quosdanovich forced the French out of the village of Osteria and onto the Rivoli plateau.

By about 11:00, the French position was becoming desperate: Lusignan’s column was cutting his line of retreat south of Rivoli. To reopen his line of retreat Bonaparte entrusted this task to Massena's 18th Demi-brigade, newly arrived from Lake Garda. Meanwhile, Alvinczy was on the Trambasore Heights urging his victorious battalions forward, though they were unformed by combat and rough terrain. Meanwhile, however, Masséna's division had reached Rivoli, and Napoleon was able to feed him into the line, restoring the position on the French left.

With the 18th dispatched to check Lusignan, Bonaparte turned all his attention to Quosdanovich, whose column, supported by Vukassovich’s guns on the far side of the river, began to climb up the road from the valley bottom to the Rivoli plateau.

Unfortunately the French had few reserves left and by at large had to accomplish this with troops already at hand. Making the best of interior lines and his artillery advantage, Bonaparte thinned out Joubert's lines facing the Austrians frontally at the Trambasore Heights as much as possible and concentrated them before the gorge. A battery of 15 guns was poured canister at point blank range into the advancing Austrian column emerging from the gorge. This devastating firepower struck the advancing Austrian dragoons who broke and stampeded back through their own infantry causing mass chaos. At this juncture the brigade of Charles Leclerc assaulted the column frontally while Joubert laid down heavy flanking fire from San Marco. In the center the battle was not yet won; Ocskay renewed his attack from San Marco and drove back de brigade of Honoré Vial. But at midday French cavalry under Joachim Murat charged the flanks of Ocskay’s troops, who were driven back to the positions they occupied in the morning.

Quosdanovich realized he could not force the defile and ordered his troops to fall back out of artillery range. Meanwhile, while Lusignan was being engaged frontally by the brigade of Guillaume Brune, the division of Gabriel Rey, coming up from Castelnuovo and the brigade of Claude Victor began to arrive. They crushed Lusignan, who fled west with less than 2000 men.

The French lost 3200 killed and wounded and 1000 captured, while the Austrians suffered 4000 killed and wounded, plus 8000 men and 40 guns captured. One authority gives the French 5,000 and the Austrians 14,000 total losses.

All of his attacks having failed, Alvinczy ordered his remaining divisions in the center to retreat back north towards La Corona. The main battle was over, but Alvinczy’s troubles were not. On the day after the battle Napoleon sent Joubert to pursue, and by January 16 around 15,000 Austrians had been taken prisoner. Only around 13,000 Austrians escaped north.

The remnant of Alvinczy's army was only able to escape because Bonaparte was forced to rush south to prevent the second Austrian army, under General Provera, from reaching Mantua. On the evening of January 14, Bonaparte left Rivoli heading for Mantua, with Masséna division following close behind, and on the 16th, Provera was surrounded and forced to surrender at La Favorita. That same day, General Dagobert Wurmser attempted to break out from Mantua, but was driven back by the siege force of Jean Sérurier. That same day, General Dagobert Wurmser attempted to break out from Mantua, but was driven back by the siege force of Jean Sérurier.

The Austrian army in North Italy had ceased to exist. On February 2, Mantua surrendered with its garrison of 16,000 men. Wurmser with his staff and an escort were allowed to go free. The remainder were paroled for a year. On February 18, Bonaparte proceeded with 8000 men to Rome, determined to come to a settlement with the Papal States, which had shown covert hostility so long as the campaign’s outcome had been uncertain. But with the fall of Mantua, Pope Pius VI agreed to an armistice dictated by Bonaparte in Tolentino. Snow had closed the Alpine passes, but Austria still refused Bonaparte peace terms. He prepared one last campaign to the east, into the heartland of Austria to the gates of Vienna itself.

[Ennath]

January 15, 1815
Capture of USS President

USS President was a 3-masted heavy frigate, nominally rated at 44 guns. (Her actual armament comprised 32 24-pounders, and 22 42-pounder carronades). George Washington named her to reflect a principle of the US Constitution. She was launched in April 1800 in New York City. President was one of the original 6 frigates authorized in 1794, and the last to be completed. Joshua Humphreys designed these frigates to be the young Navy's capital ships, and so President and her sisters were larger and more heavily armed and built than standard frigates of the period.

On May 16, 1811, President was at the center of the Little Belt Affair; her crew mistakenly identified HMS Little Belt as HMS Guerriere, which had impressed an American seaman. The ships exchanged cannon fire for several minutes. Subsequent US and Royal Navy investigations placed responsibility for the attack on each other without a resolution. The incident contributed to tensions between the U.S. and Great Britain that led to the War of 1812.

On the outbreak of war in 1812, Commodore John Rodgers, aboard the President, lead a squadron including the corvette Congress, sloop Hornet and brig Argus on a 70-day cruise, capturing 7 British merchantmen and recapturing an American vessel. After some refitting, President, still under Rodgers’ command, sailed on October 8 with Congress and Argus. They returned to Boston on December 31, having taken 9 prizes. Here they were blockaded by the Royal Navy until April 1813.

On April 30, President and Congress sailed through the blockade on their third cruise of the war. President parted company with Congress on May 8, and Rodgers set a course along the Gulf Stream. By June, not having come across a single ship, President turned north and put into North Bergen, Norway, on June 27 to replenish her drinking water. Soon after, she captured two British merchant ships, which helped to replenish her stores. Around the same time, two Royal Navy ships came into view. President set all sails to escape, and outran them in a chase lasting 80 hours. Rodgers reported that his decision to flee was based on identifying them as a ship of the line and a frigate. Royal Navy records later revealed that the vessels were actually the 32-gun frigateAlexandria and the 16-gun fireship Spitfire.

Spending a few days near the Irish Channel, President captured several more merchantmen. She then set a course for home. In late September, she encountered HMS Highflyer (8), a captured privateer put into British service, along the US east coast. Rodgers used his signal flags to trick Highflyer into believing that President was HMS Tenedos. Lt. George Hutchinson, Highflyer*’s captain, came aboard only to discover he had walked into a trap; Highflyer was captured without a shot being fired. President* ’s long cruise netted her 11 merchantmen, in addition to Highflyer.

On December 4, President sailed from Providence, Rhode Island. On the 25th, she encountered two frigates in the dark, one of which opened fire. Rodgers believed the ships to be British, but they were two French frigates, Méduse and Nymphe. Afterward, Rodgers headed toward Barbados for an 8-week cruise in the West Indies, making 3 small captures. She returned to New York City on February 18, 1814 and remained there for the duration of 1814 due to the blockade.

The Treaty of Ghent, ending hostilities between the United States and Britain, was signed on December 24, 1814. However, the United States did not ratify the treaty until February 18, 1815. The war carried on in the interim.

Stephen Decatur assumed command of President in December 1814, planning a cruise to the West Indies to prey on British shipping. On December 13, President and some smaller warships (sloops Peacock and Hornet, and the tender Tom Bowline) were in New York Harbor, preparing to break out past the blockade. The British squadron blockading New York consisted of the former ship of the line Majestic which had been razeed (cut down to a single deck to create a heavy frigate), and the frigates Endymion, Pomone and Tenedos, all under the command of Commodore John Hayes, captain of the Majestic.

On January 13, 1815, a blizzard blew up from the northwest. The British ships were blown off station, to the southeast. Decatur determined to take advantage of the situation by breaking out with President alone. (He may have been accompanied by a merchant brig, Macedonian, carrying extra rations as a tender, but the brig does not feature in any subsequent events.) The plan was that the smaller warships would break out later and rendezvous with President off Tristan da Cunha in the South Atlantic.

Decatur set sail on the evening of the 14th, but immediately met with disaster. He had ordered harbor pilots to mark the safe passage across the bar with anchored boats at the mouth of the harbor, but they failed to do so properly. President grounded on the bar and remained stuck there for almost two hours, enduring a pounding from the wind and heavy sea. By the time the frigate worked free it was heavily damaged: some copper was stripped away from the bottom; the masts were twisted and some of them “sprung” (had developed long cracks) and the hull was twisted and “hogged” (bow and stern sagged). Although her accompanying vessels headed for safety, it was impossible for President to return to port as the gale was still blowing and the winds unfavorable, and Decatur was forced to put to sea. He headed east, keeping close to the Long Island shore before heading southeast.

Once the gale had abated, the British regrouped. Realizing that American ships might have taken the opportunity to leave port unobserved, Hayes left Tenedos to watch the Sandy Hook passage and headed north to watch the Long Island passage, rather than head back to the harbor entrance. At dawn on January 15, they sighted President. Decatur immediately turned downwind and tried to gain speed by lightening his ship, throwing stores and boats overboard and pumping out drinking water, but the damage he had received on the bar had fatally slowed the ship. After Majestic fired some ranging shots which fell short, Pomone overtook her and led the pursuit, but Tenedos appeared unexpectedly to the south and Hayes sent Pomone to investigate. As the afternoon wore on, the wind eased to a breeze and Endymion (40), under Captain Henry Hope, overtook the President.

By late afternoon, Endymion and President were exchanging fire using their chasers (bow and stern guns). By evening, Endymion had closed to President’s quarter, where Decatur could bring no guns to bear. Endymion was a very fast ship, and Captain Hope yawed to fire a broadside, before turning again to follow and regain his position. The Long Island shore was too near for Decatur to steer northwards and put Endymion astern. After Endymion had repeated this maneuver for a third time, causing considerable loss aboard President, Decatur abruptly turned to starboard to cross Endymion’s bow. He had mustered boarding parties in case the British were taken by surprise, but Endymion also turned to starboard and the two ships headed south, exchanging broadsides. Decatur had no time to batter the British vessel into surrender, as the other three British ships would almost certainly be in range before long, so his gunners fired high into Endymion's rigging, seeking to disable her, using chain shot and “dismantling shot” (bars of iron linked by a ring), while the British gunners fired low into the hull of President. However, the shooting was poor on both sides, while it is claimed the President’s powder was defective.

At 7.58 PM, President struck, hoisting a light in her rigging to signify surrender. Endymion hove to and commenced repairs to her rigging. Captain Hope was unable to take immediate possession of his prize as he had no boats available that would float. Seeing Endymion hove to, Decatur attempted to escape, making sail at 8.30and running downwind. Endymion completed her hasty repairs and got under way at 9.05. In the meantime both Pomone and Tenedos were closing on President. By 9.05, Pomone had caught up, firing two broadsides at President, after which Decatur once again indicated his surrender.

During the whole fight, the President lost 24 men killed (including three of the frigate’s lieutenants), and 55 wounded, including Decatur, who had been wounded by a splinter. The British lost 11 killed and 14 wounded, all aboard Endymion.

The smaller American ships still in New York sortied before hearing of the capture of the President, and reached the rendezvous off Tristan da Cunha. The Hornet sank the British brig Penguin before Peacock joined her. The two American ships then mistook the British ship of the line Cornwallis for an East Indiaman. The Hornet narrowly escaped after jettisoning all her guns and most of her stores. The Peacock subsequently captured several British merchant ships in the Indian Ocean until receiving confirmation that the war had ended.

[Ennath]

January 16, 550
Gothic Bribery Takes Rome

After the great Byzantine general Belisarius had conquered most of Italy, the desperate Ostrogoths appointed Totila as their new leader. Shortly thereafter, Belisarius was recalled by his jealous and suspicious monarch, Emperor Justinian. Totila took the offensive and retook much of the country. The war remained stalemated throughout the 540’s, but much of Italy was laid waste in the fighting. Rome was taken and retaken. Belisarius made a brief return, but was recalled again.

In 549, Totila besieged Rome again. With Belisarius’ return to Constantinople the summer before, Totila did not run into any of his previous problems. The Ostrogoths had attempted to besiege Rome two different times before, but fell short or were defeated by Belisarius. Totila first attempted to storm the walls and overpower the small, exhausted Byzantine garrison of 3000, but to no avail. Totila, seeing that his initial efforts were ineffective, then decided to blockade the city and starve out the defenders, rather than lose more of his own men. He understood that a blockade could take months or years, but was in a far better position than the last siege attempt and decided it was his best course. The Byzantine commander Diogenes had previously made preparations of food stores, had wheat fields sowed, and made ready the city walls to try and prepare for a long blockade.

The Byzantine soldiers, suffering from hunger, and by mistreatment from Justinian (notoriously stingy, he had not paid his troops promptly in years), were given a choice by Totila. Open the gates of the city, surrender, and be paid a hefty sum, or continue fighting for Justinian and be killed. Some of the defenders decided to take Totila up on his offer and opened the gate. The Goths entered the city and crushed the unsuspecting garrison. They swept through the city, killing and looting all but the women, as Totila gave orders to spare and respect the Roman women. The Gothic leader, expecting the nobles and remnants of the garrison to flee as soon as the walls were penetrated, had set traps along the roads to neighboring towns not yet under his control. Many Romans were caught by ambush while fleeing. Only few, including Diogenes, safely escaped.

Totila had originally wanted to simply destroy Rome, but at the plea of his people, he decided to repopulate, rebuild, and defend it against future attacks from Justinian.

[Ennath]

56 BC
Battle of Morbihan

In early 56 BC, the Gallic tribes in modern Brittany and Normandy mobilized against the Romans. Julius Caesar reacted quickly to prevent the trouble from spreading, sending forces into western and southwestern Gaul. For the first time, however, he had to deal with a seaborne threat. The tribes of Brittany, centered on the Veneti, were experienced sailors and shipbuilders. Apart from the leather-covered coracles and wooden rowing boats, they had developed seagoing vessels, with which they traded south into the Bay of Biscay and north to Britain and Germany. They had high sides and very high bows and sterns so as to withstand heavy Atlantic waters, and flat bottoms for negotiating shallow areas and sitting on the mud when the tide receded. They were built of oak and had stout cross-bracing, fastened with iron bolts, and were almost impervious to ram attacks. Power was provided by leather sails, with a few oars to aid maneuver.

Caesar appreciated the quality of these ships as a potential enemy and that he would ultimately need his own fleet to deal with them. He gave immediate orders to Publius Crassus to have warships built on the Liger River and made arrangements to recruit rowers from southern Gaul. Seamen and pilots were also procured, many of these probably from the regular navy. The army provided the manpower for construction, under the direction of regular shipwrights. The warships built in the short time available were galleys of the lighter of Liburnian type. These could not stand the heavy weather of the region as well as the Gallic ships, but had superior speed and maneuverability in calm seas.

The first part of the campaign consisted of a series of sieges, with the Gauls fortifying themselves on headlands and promontories, the Romans laying siege and, more often than not, the Gauls escaping by sea. The summer was marked by considerable bad weather, which severely limited the use of the lighter Roman ships.

At last, however, sufficient ships had been built, equipped and manned. Some ships were brought from the Mediterranean, making the long voyage around Hispania to supplement the new construction. The Roman fleet was finally ready to put to sea, under the command of Decimus Junius Brutus, while the Gauls massed their own fleet in response. In mid summer, 220 Gallic vessels sailed for Morbihan Gulf (modern Quiberon Bay). The number of Roman ships is not known, but would include those built locally, supplemented with some Gallic ships levied from friendly and allied tribes and the Mediterranean reinforcements, probably less than the size of the Gallic fleet.

The Romans must have previously observed the enemy vessels and tried to fight them, discovering the ineffectiveness of their rams against the enemy’s heavy oak hulls and that the height of their decks made javelin fire difficult, as was the use of grapnels. Even the erection of towers on the larger Roman ships did not provide a sufficient height advantage. Accordingly, they had devised and equipped their ships with a specialized weapon, consisting of sharp pointed hooks, inserted into long poles, rather like grappling hooks employed in sieges. These were used to grab and pull the rigging of enemy ships, snapping them and collapsing the rig. As Gallic ships relied entirely on sail, this would rob them of the power of maneuver. Two or three Roman ships would then come alongside and board.

The new weapons came as a surprise to the Gauls. After losing several ships this way, the Gauls made to break off, but at this moment the wind dropped and they were becalmed. One by one, they were isolated and captured; only a few managed to escape. The battle lasted from about 10 AM to sunset and with their fleet lost, the Gauls surrendered. Caesar had meanwhile sent Crassus into Aquitania (southwest France), which was duly conquered, bringing the whole western seaboard of Gaul under Roman control.

[Ennath]

January 17, 1941
Battle of Koh Chang

From the autumn of 1940, tensions had been growing along the border between Thailand and Vichy-controlled French Indochina. The Thais hoped to use French difficulties to regain some Cambodian border territories lost in 1905. Air battles grew in frequency.

On January 5, 1941, the Thais launched an offensive in both Laos and Cambodia. The outnumbered and outgunned French were hampered further by the refusal of German armistice authorities in France to allow the dispatch of reinforcements. The Thai army swiftly overran much of Laos west of the Mekong River, but the French forces in Cambodia managed to rally and offer more resistance.

At dawn on January 16, 1941 the French launched a large counterattack around Yang Dang Khum and Phum Preav, initiating the fiercest battle of the war. Due to poor coordination and non-existent intelligence, the French attack was halted and fighting ended with a French retreat from the area. However, the Thais were unable to pursue, as their forward tanks were kept in check by the gunnery of French Foreign Legion artillery. With the situation on land rapidly deteriorating for the French, Admiral Jean Decoux ordered all available French naval forces into action in the Gulf of Thailand.

Although comparatively small, the Royal Thai Navy had been modernized with the recent acquisition of vessels from both Japan and Italy. The major units of the fleet included two Japanese-built armored coast defense vessels, which displaced 2500 tons and carried two 8” guns, two older British-built armored gunboats with 6” guns, 12 torpedo boats, and 4 submarines. In addition, the Royal Thai Air Force had over 140 aircraft, including relatively modern Mitsubishi Ki-30 “Ann” light bombers, quite capable of causing severe damage to any French naval mission which might be mounted.

Decoux had formed a small squadron called the Groupe Occasionnel on December 9, 1940 at Cam Ranh Bay, north of Saigon. Captain Régis Bérenger was in command. The squadron consisted of the modern light cruiser Lamotte-Picquet, the sloops Dumont d'Urville and Amiral Charner, and the older sloops Tahure and Marne. There was no air cover, except for 8 Loire 130 seaplanes based at Ream, which provided reconnaissance. Additional scouting was done by 3 coastal survey craft, and intelligence gleaned from local fishermen.

On January 13, Admiral Decoux formally requested that Bérenger lead the squadron to support the land offensive. Because of the disparate speeds of the French ships, Bérenger sent the slower sloops on ahead, while he remained in Saigon to complete the final elements of the plan. Once the plans were completed, Bérenger sailed in Lamotte-Picquet. The delay allowed him to refuel at Cape St. Jacques before his rendezvous with the slower ships at 1600 on January 15.

Admiral Decoux's order were simple: “Attack the Siamese coastal cities from Rayong to the Cambodian frontier to force Siamese government to withdraw its forces from the Cambodian frontier”. On the evening of January 15, following a last conference on board the flagship, the squadron weighed anchor and closed the Thai coast at 14 knots, the top speed of the older sloops. The French ships remained undetected as they entered the Gulf of Siam, but their quarry was not as fortunate. The Loire 130’s had completed a sweep of the coast from Trat to Sattahip. They had located a coast defense ship and a torpedo boat at Koh Chang, and 1 gunboat, 4 torpedo boats, and 2 submarines at Sattahip. Their report was forwarded to Saigon and re-transmitted to Lamotte-Picquet. Bérenger considered his options and decided on a dawn attack against the Thai ships at Koh Chang. He ignored Sattahip because the sloops would not be able to reach it until later in the day, when the element of surprise would already have been lost. Also, the strength of Sattahip's harbor defenses was unknown.

Bérenger decided to approach Koh Chang at dawn from the southwest. Because the anchorage at was surrounded by islands and islets, many over 660 feet high, the squadron would separate and use the cover of the islands to concentrate fire on portions of the Thai squadron, while also covering all the avenues of escape. The easternmost channel was the most likely route for a breakout; it was the most suitable route and where the reconnaissance had placed the largest Thai ships. Lamotte-Picquet would head to the eastern side of the anchorage to block the route, while the sloops blocked the center and pounded the Thai ships there. The smaller French ships would concentrate to the west.

The French squadron closed on the anchorage at 0530 on January 17. At 0545, they split into the three groups as planned, Lamotte-Picquet heading for the eastern part of the anchorage, Dumont d'Urville and Amiral Charner continuing to the central position, and Tahure and Marne heading for the western side. The weather was fine, the seas calm and almost flat. Sunrise was at 0630, and the scene was lit only by the first rays of light on the horizon and by the dim moonlight.

A final aerial reconnaissance had been arranged, using one of the Loire 130’s. At 0605, the plane overflew the anchorage and reported 2 torpedo boats. This came as a nasty surprise to the French. Previous reports led them to believe that only one was present, but during the night HTMS Chonburi had arrived to relieve Chantaburi, which was to return to Sattahip later that day for refitting. Once their presence had been passed to Lamotte-Picquet, the aircraft attempted a bombing attack, but was driven off by heavy AA fire. The French were now aware of what they faced, but the element of surprise had been wasted and 30 minutes remained until sunrise. Caught napping, the Thais desperately began to raise steam and prepared to slip anchor. However, both torpedo boats were soon sunk by heavy gunfire from Lamotte-Picquet.

At 0638, lookouts on Lamotte-Picquet spotted the coast defense ship Thonburi heading northwest, at a range of 11,000 yards. A running battle began, with the fire of both ships frequently blocked by the towering islets. The fire from the Thai ship was heavy, but inaccurate. By 0715, fires could be seen on Thonburi, which then found herself engaged not only by the cruiser but also the sloops. At the beginning of the engagement, a lucky shot from Lamotte-Picquet killed the captain of Thonburi, Commander Luang Phrom Viraphan, and disrupted her operations. Believing they had a better chance of hurting the smaller French ships, the Thais shifted their fire onto Admiral Charner, which soon found 8” salvoes falling around her.

Thonburi shifted fire back to Lamotte-Picquet after a salvo from the French cruiser put her aft turret out of action. She soon reached the safety of shallow water, which the French ships could not enter for fear of grounding, but it was too late for the hapless Thais, as Thonburi was burning fiercely and listing heavily to starboard. Her remaining turret was jammed and could not fire unless in an appropriate position. At 0750, Lamotte-Picquet fired a salvo of torpedoes at 16,000 yards, but lost sight of Thonburi behind an island from which she was not seen to emerge.

At 0840, Bérenger ordered the squadron to head for home, but this coincided with the start of the expected Thai air attacks. Lamotte-Picquet took a direct hit, but the bomb failed to explode. Lamotte-Picquet* '​s AA guns put up a vigorous barrage and further attacks were not pressed home. The final raid departed at 0940, after which the victorious French squadron returned to Saigon.

Thonburi was heavily damaged and grounded on a sand bar with about 20 dead. She was later raised and repaired by the Japanese, survived the war and was used as a training ship until she was retired. The torpedo boat Chonburi was sunk with a loss of 2 men, as was Songhkla with 14 dead. French sailors were elated, believing they had inflicted a defeat as decisive in its way as the Japanese at Tsushima, and had not suffered losses of significance.

Five days later the Japanese government offered to arbitrate a peaceful settlement, which soon confirmed the Thai annexations of the territory they had lost to France earlier in the 20th century. Even this interim of peace did not last long, as the Japanese Army invaded Thailand in December of that year as part of its attempt to capture British Malaya. At the conclusion of World War II, Thailand was forced to return all of its short-lived gains to French Indo-China.

[Ennath]

January 18, 1900
Battle of Mazacoba

The Yaqui, who inhabited fertile valleys in Sonora, in northwestern Mexico, had engaged in sporadic clashes with the government ever since independence. In May 1873, the government sent a major expedition that temporarily subdued the Yaqui by 1877,.

In the 1880’s the technocratic cientificos in Mexico City decided that the Yaqui were not adequately exploiting their rich lands and, believing that the Indians were hopelessly inferior, dealt with them as little better than animals. The Yaqui were pushed off their land, which was sold to wealthy criollos and foreigners for the production of rice and cotton, profitable export crops.

In 1885, the Yaqui, led by Cajeme (Jose Maria Leyva), retreated into the mountains and began guerrilla warfare. In March 1886, a 1200-man force was sent against them. The troops encircled the Yaqui stronghold of Buatachive by fortifying key towns on its perimeter. On May 11, Col. Lorenzo Torres led 300 men in an attack on the 4000 Yaquis; the Indians were defeated, losing 200 dead and 2000 captured for an army loss of 21 dead and 48 injured. Cajeme fled deeper into the mountains. On June 21, Torres caught Cajeme in the open and the poorly-armed Indians were easily defeated. On April 12, 1887, Cajeme was betrayed, captured and shot; his followers were sold to plantation owners in Quintana Roo, where most of them died. This practice continued until the outbreak of the Revolution in 1910.

The Yaqui continued to resist. On May 15, 1892, Chief Juan Tabas, leading 3000 Indians, captured Navojoa. On July 21, 1899, chiefs from the 8 major Yaqui tribes sent an ultimatum to now-General Torres, demanding that all whites leave the state of Sonora. On August 6, Torres defeated a Yaqui concentration at Palo Parado, though being wounded in the thigh. On the 10th, a Mexican column drove 500 Yaqui from a stronghold in Sinaloa. Further Indian setbacks continued through the year.

In early January 1900, Torres learned that a large rebel force under Tetabiate was concentrated at a stronghold atop MazacobaHeights. On the morning of January 18, he sent 3 columns against the position. Col. Agustin Garcia Hernandez, with 400 men reached Semana Santa Mesa, only to find a ravine separating him from the Indians. Torres, to Hernandez’s right, led 425 men directly against the enemy, while 250 men under Col. Jesus Gandara on the right occupied 2 hills near Mazacoba.

At 10 AM, the Mexicans began shelling Tetabiate’s defenses, attacking at 3 PM. They drove the Yaqui from their trenches in hand to hand combat, the defenders finally turning and fleeing near sunset. Many plunged to their deaths in the ravines or were finished off by skirmishers from 4th and 11th Infantry Battalions. More than 400 natives were killed and 1800 non-combatants were captured – fully half of the latter succumbing during a forced march into captivity. Torres’ force lost 56 killed and 104 wounded.

The Yaqui continued to resist, but at each skirmish, their losses were greater than those of the government. Each time, the defeated Indians were tracked down and sold into slavery on the plantations. The government declared the campaign at an end on August 31, but clashes continued into 1902.

These and other abuses made the Yaqui into willing soldiers against Porfirio Diaz on the outbreak of Revolution in 1910. They formed the backbone of the force raised in 1912 by Alvaro Obregon to fight Victoriano Huerta. Although promised much for their services, they received little.

In September 1926, the Yaqui robbed a train in Sonora carrying former president Obregon. On September 13, the Mexican government declared them in open rebellion and launched a campaign to suppress them once and for all. Aircraft tracked Indian movements and launched attacks. Finally, the Yaqui surrendered on July 28, 1927.

[Ennath]

January 19, 1160
Siege of SanjoPalace

Emperor Go-Shirakawa ascended the throne in 1155 with the support of ex-Emperor Toba, now retired, and Fujiwara Tadamichi, a powerful lord. They expected Go-Shirakawa to keep the throne until his son, Prince Morihito would be old enough succeed him. At the beginning of Go-Shirakawa's reign Toba continued to reign as a cloistered emperor until his death the following year. The result was the Hogen Rebellion, in which Go-Shirakawa gained the support of the powerful Minamoto and Taira clans. The rebellion was defeated and Shirakawa now ruled Japan by himself.

In 1158, he abdicated, but continued to hold power as a cloistered emperor. He attempted to decrease the influence of the Fujiwara clan and increased the power of the samurai.

In late 1159, Taira Kiyomori, head of the Taira clan and supporter of the new Emperor Nijo, left Kyoto with his family, on a personal pilgrimage. This left his enemies, Fujiwara Nobuyori and the Minamoto clan, a perfect opportunity to effect an uprising to change the composition of the government in their favor.

In early January 1160, Fujiwara Nobuyori and Minamoto Yoshitomo took a force of 500 men to Sanjo Palace and kidnapped Go-Shirakawa and Emperor Nijo, setting fire to the Palace. Nobuyori forced Emperor Nijo to name him imperial chancellor, completing one of the first important steps towards gaining power over his rivals.

However, Taira Kiyomori returned soon afterwards, with his son Shigemori and a small force. The Minamoto, reinforced with men from Kamakura led by Yoshitomo's eldest son Yoshihira, were the larger force but were unprepared, and hesitated at Kiyomori's return. The Taira were thus allowed to return to their family's mansion in the Rokuhara district, where they would plan tactics and strategies, and gain many more warriors. From January 19, the palace was blockaded.

At the end of January, the Taira smuggled the Emperor Nijo and his empress consort out of Sanjo Palace and brought them to the Rokuhara mansion, disguised as a lady in waiting. Meanwhile, the Taira also helped Go-Shirakawa escape as well.

On the morning of February 5, Minamoto Yoshitomo and his men prepared to defend the Palace against the inevitable Taira assault. The defense held out for a time, until a portion of the Taira feigned a retreat, luring Minamoto warriors out, and giving the rest of the Taira force an opportunity to rush the Gates and, soon afterwards, drive the Minamoto out. Yoshitomo's men then attempted to attack the Rokuhara mansion, but failed and fled Kyoto, meeting resistance along the way from the warrior monks of Mount Hiei who they had attacked in decades past.

Ultimately, Taira Kiyomori defeated Yoshitomo, killed his two eldest sons and Nobuyori, and released Go-Shirakawa. Yoshitomo was eventually betrayed and killed by a retainer while escaping. Afterwards, Kiyomori banished Yoshitomo's son Yoritomo, seized Minamoto wealth and land, and eventually formed the first samurai-dominated government. The rivalry between the Minamoto and Taira clans was exacerbated, leading to the ultimate defeat of the Taira in 1185.

[Ennath]

357
Battle of Argentoratum, Part 1

The Alamanni, who were originally from the Main valley of central Germany, had colonized the Agri Decumates (roughly the modern state of Baden-Württemberg) when the region was evacuated by the Romans in the mid-3rd century after belonging to the province of Germania Superior for over 150 years. They were a warrior culture based on feuding clans, a fine breeding-ground for good warriors. At this time, the Alamanni confederation appears to have been under the presidency of two paramount kings, Chnodomar and Westralp. Chnodomar was the driving force. A man of great stature, strength and energy, he was nicknamed Gigas (the Giant) by the Romans. Under the paramount king were 7 other kings (reges). Underneath the regal class were the nobles and warriors. The warriors consisted of professional warbands and levies of free men.

In January 350, the Roman empire was jointly ruled by two sons of Constantine the Great, Constans, who ruled the West, and Constantius II in the East. But in that month, Constans was in his turn overthrown and killed by the usurper Magnentius Constantius immediately concluded a truce with Persia in order to deal with the usurper. At the Battle of Mursa (351), one of the bloodiest in Roman history (see posting), Magnentius lost an estimated 24,000 men (perhaps 2/3 of his army). Constantius, although victorious, suffered even greater casualties (about 30,000). A final encounter at the Battle of Mons Seleucus in the Alps saw further heavy casualties. Such massive losses of first-rate troops could not be quickly or easily replaced. Constantius, now based in Milan, was left with an escort army of about 30,000, but Illyricum and the East had been stripped of mobile forces. With renewed Persian attacks, the East was the top priority. In the circumstances, Constantius could only spare 13,000 men for Gaul’s field force, about half the previous strength. The Frankish-born general Silvanus was appointed its commander (magister equitum).

The Franks and Alamanni on the Rhine frontier had seized the opportunity presented by the civil war to overrun much of eastern Gaul and Raetia (Switzerland). The barbarians captured many of the forts along the Rhine, demolished their fortifications and established permanent camps on the west bank, which they used as bases to pillage Gaul during the years of civil war (350-3). In excess of 20,000 Roman civilians were reported to have been abducted and forced to work in the fields.

Constantius succeeded in driving the Alamanni out of Raetia (354), and Silvanus made considerable progress in restoring the situation in Gaul. But the following year, Silvanus capitalized on his success by proclaiming himself emperor. Constantius responded by dispatching a flying-squad of protectores domestici (imperial staff-officers), including the future historian Ammianus himself, under the command of Ursicinus. These swiftly captured and executed Silvanus and prevented a wider mutiny. But the shaken emperor decided that he needed a member of his own dynasty to share the burdens of governing. This was a difficult decision for a paranoid ruler who regarded all his relatives with intense suspicion and had already put to death 2 uncles and 7. He appointed his cousin Julian as Caesar (deputy emperor) for Gaul, Spain and Britain and gave him overall command there. The appointment was widely seen as unsuitable as Julian, who was just 23, had no military experience and had spent his time studying philosophy at Athens. But Constantius’ own family purges had left him little choice: Julian was his sole surviving adult male close relative.

The task confronting Julian was daunting. Gaul was in a chaos. The defensive line of the Rhine had largely collapsed. Apart from the major fortified city of Colonia Agrippina (Cologne), only three strongpoints on the Rhine remained in Roman hands: a single tower near Cologne and two forts, at Rigodunum (Remagen) and Confluentes (Koblenz). Large barbarian bands were roaming and pillaging at will, reaching as far as the Seine. The Roman limitanei (border defense forces) had been decimated by the fall of most of their forts, while those units that survived intact had mostly retreated from the frontier to garrison the cities. Cynics at Constantius’ court in Milan whispered that Julian had been given an impossible mission to rid Constantius of a potential rival for the throne. In the event, however, he surprised everyone by proving an effective military leader.

Constantius provided Julian with 360 cavalry, including armored cataphracts and horse archers. En route to Gaul, he received the calamitous news that Cologne had fallen to the Franks. He spent the winter of 355-56 with his escort at Vienna (Vienne). For the 356 campaigning season, Julian's first task was to link up with the main Gaul field force (comitatus), which had wintered at Remi (Reims) under the magister equitum, Marcellus. This involved a long march through country swarming with Alamanni raiding bands, many of them as large or larger than Julian's own escort. On the way, Julian surprised and drove off a large barbarian force that had surrounded Augustodunum (Autun).

At Reims, Julian showed his boldness by deciding to deal with the Alamanni problem at source by marching straight to Alsace and restoring Roman control. On the way, however, his army was ambushed and nearly destroyed at Decem Pagi (Dieuze) by a large German band who fell on two rearguard legions which had lost contact with the rest of the column in dense mist. They were rescued by auxilia palatina regiments that heard the fighting. Proceeding to Brotomagus (Brumath) in Alsace, Julian's army routed another German band in the field. But, after assessing the situation, Julian evidently decided that his force was insufficient. Instead, he set out to recover Cologne. Entering the ruined city unopposed, Julian's men were set to work to rebuild the city walls. He then concluded a peace treaty with the Franks. This had the important result of removing half the opposition and allowing Julian to focus his resources on the Alamanni.

For the winter of 356-57, he chose Sens near Paris as his base, but quartered most of his troops in other towns, including the main body at Reims under Marcellus, to spread the burden. A large band of Alamanni heard of his reduced escort and besieged him at Sens. Julian's forces were able to hold out until, after a month, the Germans withdrew. He was so outnumbered, however, that he was unable to pursue. During the siege, Marcellus had failed to come to his assistance. For this omission, Marcellus was dismissed as magister equitum by Constantius and replaced by Severus, a distinguished officer who was more compatible with Julian.

For the 357 campaign season, a plan was laid out at Constantius' headquarters in Milan to trap the Alamanni in a pincer movement. Julian would advance eastward from Reims, while the major part of Constantius’ comitatus in Italy (25,000 strong) was dispatched under magister peditum Barbatio to Raetia, from which he was to advance northward to meet Julian. The Alamanni bands would be cornered and destroyed in the southern part of Germania I province (Alsace). But large bands of Alamanni, ignoring the threat, invaded and ravaged the rich Rhone valley, even trying to take the major city of Lugdunum (Lyon) by assault. The attack was repulsed as the walls of the city proved too strong and the garrison, presumably limitanei troops, too determined. Nevertheless, the Germans had devastated a large area and taken vast amounts of booty.

However, the Germans were now trapped in the interior of Gaul, their route to the Rhine barred by Roman armies. In Julian's sector, he sent cavalry to lie in ambush and these successfully intercepted and destroyed the returning barbarian bands. But in Barbatio’s sector, the main body of Germans were allowed to pass unmolested: Barbatio's chief-of-staff Cella rejected the urgent plea of his cavalry commanders to deploy their squadrons on a highway that they expected the enemy would use. The escaping force reached some islands in the Rhine near Argentoratum (Strasbourg) where the raiding bands had moved their camps for safety. Nevertheless, Julian pursued vigorously. Although without boats, his men succeeded in reaching one island, as the river had become fordable at some points due to summer drought. An entire raiding band was surprised and slaughtered, a success repeated on a few other islands. In response, the Germans evacuated the remaining islands, removing their sutlers, baggage and booty to the far side of the Rhine. Julian then set about restoring the fort at Saverne.

Meanwhile, the vanguard of Barbatio's army was ambushed by a strong German force as it approached the camp of Julian's deputy, Severus, who was apparently operating separately. The vanguard fled in disarray, and, instead of engaging, Barbatio led the rest of his force in a hasty retreat out of Alsace and a good way into Raetia, in the process losing most of his sutlers, pack-animals and baggage. Then Barbatio, whose cooperation with Julian had been reluctant at best, withdrew his army from the theater of operations altogether, without Julian's permission and sent his forces into winter-quarters in Italy, despite it being the middle of the campaigning season and the Alamanni being far from defeated. This reduced Roman forces in Alsace by two-thirds and effectively sabotaged the pincer strategy. It is uncertain whether Constantius instigated Barbatio's actions, but it seems unlikely that the magister would have risked breaking off operations unless confident of the emperor’s approval.

Chnodomar could not ignore Julian’s fortification of Saverne, as it threatened his control of Alsace and blocked his main route into the interior of Gaul. He had come to see this region as Alamanni territory by right of conquest after occupying it for several years. He also claimed to possess letters from Constantius granting the Alamanni the right to occupy those lands. Chnodomar had been surprised and dismayed by Julian’s successful campaigns. But he was encouraged by his own success against Barbatio and the intelligence brought to him by a deserter that Barbatio’s withdrawal had left the Caesar with only 13,000 men. Having driven Barbatio from the field, Chnodomar had lost the barbarians’ traditional fear of pitched battles with the Romans.

[Ennath]

357
Battle of Argentoratum, Part 2

The Alamanni kings now ordered a mass mobilization of all member tribes, gathering their bands at Argentoratum. In addition, they received the timely support of the Alamanni cantons near Raetia that had been pacified by Constantius in 355. These leaders were overthrown in an anti-Roman coup by their nobles. Finally, they summoned the assistance of certain non-Alamanni tribes (probably Burgundi), partly for services rendered, partly for payment. At Strasbourg, they gathered a combined force of some 35,000 men, according to Ammianus. This figure may be an exaggeration, but the exceptional size of the levy is shown by the presence of all the Alamanni kings and the report that German bands were crossing the Rhine to Strasbourg continuously for three days and nights. Their aim was to bring Julian to battle and crush him by sheer weight of numbers. They provoked Julian by sending him an ultimatum to evacuate Alsace immediately.

Julian was now faced with a dilemma. The safer option was to ignore Chnodomar's challenge and to keep his forces in their fortified bases and await reinforcements, if necessary until the following year’s campaign season. But the performance of Barbatio and the imperial comitatus in the recent campaign cast doubt on whether such reinforcements would be supplied. Such a course would also expose Gaul to a massive Germanic invasion just when the harvest was due. Alternatively, he could fight Chnodomar alone. This offered the prospect of a decisive victory, since the Alamanni forces were now, unusually, concentrated and not divided into many disparate bands. The Romans almost always won pitched battles with barbarians, because of their superior equipment, organization and training. But in this case it was clearly a high-risk option because of the Germans' massive superiority in numbers. Julian decided to confront the Alamanni with just the forces at his disposal.

The campaign season was by now well-advanced, as Julian had spent a considerable time restoring Saverne. But it was still summer, as the weather was hot and wheat was ripe in the fields. It was therefore probably August. It appears that Julian's army marched and apparently arrived within sight of the barbarian entrenchments at around midday, after a march of 21 Roman miles. At the end of the march, Julian gave a speech. Its wording could be read as implying that Julian had already had a fortified camp built (in accordance with standard Roman practice), or that he was simply proposing to do so. In any case, it appears that Julian, concerned that his men might be too tired to fight after a 6-hour march in the hot sun, urged that the clash be postponed until the following day. But his officers and men would have none of it and clamored to be led against the enemy immediately. Julian, who prided himself on acting by consensus, gave way. However, since Ammianus states that the battle and subsequent pursuit ended after sunset, it seems unlikely that the army would have actually engaged at midday straight after the march without a few hours rest and refreshment. It thus seems more likely that battle commenced in the late afternoon.

Chnodomar, alerted by his lookouts, moved his army from its base before the ruined walls to his chosen battlefield nearby. The battlefield was a gently sloping hill a few miles from the Rhine, partly fields with ripe wheat. The western edge of the field was defined by the Metz-Strasbourg Roman highway, on the far side of which was broken, wooded ground impassable to cavalry.

The German host was drawn up on the crest of the hill, to give Chnodomar's men the advantage of the slope. The German left was held by Chnodomar and his cavalry. To counter the threat posed by the Roman heavy cavalry, Chnodomar interspersed lightly armed infantry among his own cavalry. These were easy to conceal in the standing grain. In a mêlée, the foot soldiers would bring down the cataphracts by crawling along the ground and stabbing their horses in their unprotected bellies. The German right, under his nephew Serapio (who was given his Greek name by his Hellenophile father), blocked the highway to Argentoratum, while in the woods beyond the highway were a substantial force hidden in ambush. The rest of the line was probably divided into tribal units under five major kings and ten petty kings.

Julian drew up his infantry in two lines, widely spaced, each several ranks deep. This was a standard Roman line: the rear line troops were reserves. During the battle, the foot archers (sagittarii) would have formed the rear rank of the front line, to shoot over the heads of their own infantry. But archers were sometimes stationed as skirmishers as well. On the right wing was posted the entire cavalry. Most likely, the light cavalry would have been stationed in front, to harass the enemy before the heavy cavalry launched their charge. Set back from the left flank, Julian posted a separate division under Severus to face the woods beyond the highway, apparently with orders to advance into them, presumably to launch a surprise attack on the German right. Julian himself, with his escort, probably took up position in the gap between the Roman lines, giving him a close, but relatively protected, view of the action.

As soon as the armies were drawn up, a clamor arose in the German ranks, loudly demanding that Chnodomar and his entourage of chiefs should dismount and lead the main body of foot warriors from the front. Chnodomar and the chiefs complied. In so doing, Chnodomar forfeited any real control of the battle, as, trapped in the center of the action, he would have no way of knowing what was happening in other sectors. Julian, on the other hand, maintained a detached position throughout and was able to respond to events all over the field.

The Roman light cavalry began harassing attacks on the German horse. These could not charge, as their supporting foot could not keep up. Most likely, they awaited the Roman cavalry at the halt, or moved forward slowly. The Roman heavy cavalry then charged. In the ensuing fight, Chnodomar's stratagem paid dividends. The interspersed foot warriors wreaked havoc, bringing down the horses of the cataphracts and then killing their riders on the ground. Unnerved by these tactics, the cataphracts panicked and fled. In their headlong flight, they crashed into the Roman infantry on the right, which, however, was able to maintain formation due to the skill of the crack auxilia palatina regiments posted there. The cataphracts took refuge behind the infantry lines, where it took the personal intervention of Julian himself to rally them. The performance of rest of the cavalry is not described by Ammianus, but they would have been obliged to retreat with the cataphracts, though it is unclear whether they followed them to behind the infantry lines, or, more likely, halted to cover the Roman right wing. It is clear, however, that the German cavalry was unable to capitalize on their success to outflank the Roman right. Nevertheless, Chnodomar had trumped Julian's best card.

Encouraged by their cavalry’s success, the German infantry charged the Roman line. In the center, German warriors repeatedly charged, hoping to break through by sheer weight of numbers. But the Roman line held for a long time, inflicting severe casualties. Then, a group of German chiefs and their best warriors formed a dense mass and, let through by the German front ranks, charged the Romans. This was probably a wedge protected by armored warriors on the outside. They succeeded, by desperate efforts, in punching a hole through the Roman center. But despite being cut in two, the Roman front line did not collapse: the experienced frontline regiments managed to hold their separated wings in formation.

On the Roman left wing, Severus suspected the prepared ambush, and held back from advancing into the woods. It is likely that the hidden Germans eventually lost patience and charged Severus’ division, only to be routed by his crack troops.

Meanwhile, Germans poured through the breach in the Roman front line and charged the center of the Roman rear line. This position was held by the elite Primani legion, which stopped the German attack in its tracks and then counterattacked, routing the breakthrough force. The breach was filled, either by the separated wings of the front line reconnecting, or by the Primani advancing from the rear line. The front line, now extended on the left flank by the rear line left wing, (and presumably by Severus’ victorious division), began pushing the Germans back, and gradually hemmed them in from the flanks. At this point, the Germans were already exhausted and demoralized by their severe losses. The mass of their army was now trapped in an ever-tighter Roman crescent, with the troops on the edges being methodically cut down and the ones in the middle packed tightly together and unable to move. Finally, after more relentless pressure, the German line collapsed. Pursued all the way to the Rhine, many were cut down. Large numbers attempted to swim across the river, but many drowned, hit by Roman missiles or weighed down by their armor.

Ammianus reports that 6000 Germans perished. (Libanius gives a figure of 8000). Thousands more drowned as they tried to get across the river. It is thus likely that about a third of the German force lost their lives. The Romans lost just 243 men. Chnodomar himself and his retinue tried to escape on horseback, hoping to reach some boats prepared for just such an emergency some 25 miles downstream. But they were cornered by Roman cavalry in a wood on the bank of the Rhine and surrendered. Brought before Julian, whom he begged for mercy, Chnodomar was sent on to the court of Constantius at Milan. Not long afterwards, he died of disease in a camp for barbarian prisoners in Rome. The immediate aftermath saw a vigorous “ethnic cleansing” campaign as all Alamanni families who had settled in Alsace on stolen land were rounded up and expelled from imperial territory.

After the battle, Julian was acclaimed as Augustus (co-emperor) by his troops, but he vehemently refused the title, which could only legally be bestowed by Constantius. Given the latter's murderous attitude against potential contenders, Julian's caution is understandable, although it bought him no credit with Constantius.

He spent the next few years driving the remaining barbarian invaders from Gaul and Germania and restoring the forts. By 360, the west was secure. Constantius then sent a demand for troops for his Persian war. Julian’s troops mutinied and again acclaimed him as Augustus.

He again refused, but this time, the troops insisted, making it clear they would mutiny against him if he refused and march against Constantius with or without him. Alarmed, but also secretly pleased, Julian accepted the title and wrote an apologetic letter to Constantius explaining why he had felt it necessary to bow to his soldiers’ wishes and requesting his ratification. This was refused by Constantius, who demanded that Julian revert to Caesar status. In 361, Julian decided to confront Constantius and the two emperors marched against each other to settle the issue. But the empire was spared another civil war by the senior emperor's sudden death in Asia Minor.

[Ennath]

January 20, 1933
1st Battle of Nanawa

At the end of 1932, the situation in the Chaco had stalemated. Initial Bolivian attacks had been halted, but so had the first Paraguayan counterattack. General Jose Felix Estigarribia ordered his Paraguayan forces to stand on the defensive. For the Bolivians, a disastrous year ended on a high note, with the recapture of Fortin Duarte on December 28. Both sides paused to recover and build up their strength.

Although a shortage of officers had forced the Paraguayans to incorporate a number of naval officers into the field army, they had mobilized 14 infantry regiments, 7 of cavalry and 4 of engineers, together with 4 artillery groups, increasing its army more than six-fold. The Bolivians now fielded 2 corps, having made good their losses of 1932. The field army now included a few tanks, and they had a more than 2-1 advantage in the air.

In early January, the Bolivians went on the offensive. General in Chief Hans Kundt led a force of originally 12,000, later rising to twice that amount. Corrales fell on New Years’ Day, followed by Herrera and Mariscal Lopez on January 7 and 8, forcing the Paraguayans southeastward toward the Anglican mission at Nanawa, protected by the post at Ayala. Nanawa was defended by 5th Infantry Division (7th and 13th Infantry Regiments, 3rd and 7th Cavalry Regiments and a battery of 4 Krupp M1907 75mm guns), about 9000 men all under Lt. Col. Luis Irrazabal. The area had been fortified at the end of 1932 under the direction of two White Russian veterans who had joined the Paraguayan army in the 1920’s. Shallow trenches, barbed wire and posts for machine guns were built in a horseshoe-shaped line. On the 19th, heavy Bolivian probing attacks caused the abandonment of some forward trenches.

Kundt took personal command on the 20th and assembled a force of 20,000 in a wide arc. 6th Infantry Division, with 15 guns and supported by 10 aircraft launched a heavy attack, coming close to encircling what was already being referred to as the “Paraguayan Verdun”. The attack was held with difficulty and the Bolivians dug in to consolidate their gains.

A supporting attack by Bolivian 8th Division on January 20-23 was held by Paraguayan 2nd Division at Herrera, suffering heavy losses, whilst a diversionary counterattack near Saavedra by Paraguayan 1st Division was contained by Bolivian 4th Division (including 3 batteries and a tank).

Between January 24 and 28, Bolivian energies were mainly directed toward and unsuccessful and costly attempt to cut off the outpost at Ayala from the main Nanawa positions. 41st Regiment attempted to encircle the outpost, but was halted by the arrival of Paraguayan cavalry. (Almost all of the cavalrymen in the Chaco served dismounted during the war as the arid Chaco region placed heavy supply demands on mounted forces.) The beleaguered defenders were supplied by air. Finally, after repeated assaults, supported by tanks, Kundt broke off the attacks on the 28th, with little gain to show for his efforts.

Heavy rains soon forced the Bolivians to abandon what they had taken and the Paraguayans reoccupied the lost positions. The Bolivian army had lost 2000 men in the attacks, to 248 for the defenders. A handful of tanks were captured and repaired. The Bolivians remained in the area and established a fortified semi-circle around the Paraguayan defenses. They would try again in July.