The Military History Thread

[scoundrel]

Originally Posted by Mal Hombre

The Soviets didn't get involved in the Battle for Warsaw because they didn't want The Home Army to win,They wanted it destroyed.

In the same way, the puppet Communist regime installed in Poland by Stalin after the war treated anyone returning to Poland after serving alongside British forces as though they were traitors and enemies of Poland. This was an extension of the general Soviet doctrine of enslaving conquered populations by eliminating anyone who had proven their will to resist oppression.

Britain passed the Polish Resettlement Act in 1947, finally admitting that the relationship with the USSR during the war was now over and that Russian promises over Poland were worth nothing, so it was simply not safe for Polish servicemen to return to Poland. Britain was much slower to protect and defend her Polish allies than she should have been, partly because Attlee's left wing government was very slow to accept that Stalin's Russian was a foe and not a friend. I gather that although over 200,000 Poles fought Germany in WW2 alongside British forces under British command, no Poles were allowed to march in the 1946 Victory Parade - they had to stand with the crowd and watch. That is inexcusable. But when Stalin repeatedly demanded the enforced repatriation of the Polish forces to Poland and it became increasingly clear that the vast majority would never return to be ruled by Communists except under brute force, Attlee's government slowly turned against Stalin and in favour of our Polish allies, because there are things you do and there are things you don't do.

[Ennath]

April 22, 1900
Battle of Kousséri

Born around 1842 to a Arab family in Halfaya Al-Muluk, a suburb of Khartoum, Rabih az-Zabayr first served with irregular Egyptian cavalry in an Ethiopian campaign, during which he was wounded. When Rabih left the army in the 1860s, he became the principal lieutenant of the Sudanese slavetrader Rahma Mansur.

Khartoum had become a very important Arab slave market, supplied through companies of Khartumi established in the region of Bahr el Ghazal, where they resided in zarības, thorn-fortified bases kept by bazinqirs (firearm-equipped slave soldiers). The warlord al-Zubayr Rahma Mansur assumed control of the region's zaribas, and was nominated in 1872 as pasha and governor of Bahr el Ghazal for the Khedive Ismail, ruler of Egypt. Rabih, who was possibly a relative of al-Zubayr, was his chief lieutenant.

In 1874, al-Zubayr conquered the Sultanate of Darfur. In 1876, he went to Cairo to request the khedive to officially sanction his position in Darfur, but was instead imprisoned. This caused the revolt in 1878 of al-Zubayr’s son, Suleyman, and of his lieutenants, like Rabih. In reaction the governor-general of Sudan, Charles Gordon, made Romolo Gessi governor of Bahr el Ghazal, and sent him to suppress the rebellion; Suleyman surrendered July 15, 1879, and was executed. Rabih is said to have left Suleyman the day before he surrendered, but Gessi reports instead that he had retreated in June, after having suffered heavy losses.

To escape from Egypt, Rabih left the Bahr el Ghazal, heading south with 700-800 bazingiris. In the 1880s he carved out a kingdom between the basins of the Nile and the Ubangi, south of Ouaddai, a region he utterly devastated. In 1885, he attempted to return to Sudan on the invitation of the Mahdi. However, when he learned of a plot to kill him, Rabih returned to Chad. In 1887, Rabih's forces invaded Darfur, recruited bazingirs, and settled down in Dar Kouti; however, his campaign against the sultan of Ouaddai’s troops, failed. In 1890, he attacked the chief Kobur in the north of Oubangui-Chari, deposed him and established in his place his nephew Mahdi al-Senusi, on whom he imposed his suzerainty. al-Senusi’s alliance with Rabih worried the colonial powers, especially France, which was expanding in the region.

Southeast of Lake Chad, Rabih attacked the Baguirmi Kingdom in 1892, blaming the Mbang (king) Abd ar Rahman Gwaranga for having signed a protectorate with the French. Gwaranga was besieged for 3-5 months in Manjaffa, and was later forced to leave his capital, which was completely destroyed in March 1893.

In 1893, Rabih also turned his attentions to the Bornu Empire of Shehu (king) Ashimi. Bornu traced its origins back to the Middle Ages. Commanding 80,000 soldiers, mostly slaves commanded by slaves, it was in full decline. Ashimi sent 15,000 men to confront Rabih; the latter routed them in May or September 1893 first at Am Hobbio and then at Legaroua with only 2000 horse. Ashimi fled and was assassinated at the instigation of his nephew Kyari, who then became shehu and decided to fight Rabih. Rabih met Kyari at Gashegar, not far from Kukawa, the Bornu capital; Kiyari defeated Rabih and captured his camp. The following day Rabih gathered his forces, and ordered 100 lashes be given to all his bannermen, including his own favored son Fadlallah. Then he ordered a victorious counter-offensive; Kyari, who had refused to flee, was captured and beheaded. Kukawa it was plundered and razed to the ground.

For 7 years Rabih was shehu of the Bornu Empire, and spent much effort to reinvigorate a decadent empire that had until then maintained the same feudal structures it had in the 16th century. Rabih kept the vassal sultans in place, but subjected them to his lieutenants, mostly Arab Sudanese like him. He promulgated a legal code based on sharia, rationalized taxation through the creation of a budget, and imposed a military dictatorship, which aroused the attention of the colonial powers.

More importantly, he launched a regular series of razzias to plunder and capture slaves; this was a return to the traditional activity of the sultans of Bornu. It is estimated that 1500-2000 slaves were exported every year by his vassal Senusi, excluding the deaths, casualties, and other losses he inflicted. The totals for Rabih must have been much higher.

By 1899 Rabih had at his disposal 10,000 infantry and cavalry, all provided with rifles (mostly obsolete, except for 400 newer make), plus a great number of auxiliaries equipped with spears or bows. He kept garrisons at Baggara and Karnak Logone.

That year, Rabih received in Dekoa the French explorer Ferdinand de Béhagle. The talks between them degenerated, and Béhagle was arrested. On July 17, Lt. Bretonnet, sent against Rabih, was killed with most of his men at Togbao, at the edge of the Chari River. Rabih gained 3 cannons (which the French later retook at Kousséri) and ordered his son Fadlallah, whom he had left in Dikoa, to hang Béhagle.

In response, a French column from Gabon led by Émile Gentil, supported by the steamboat Leon Blot, confronted Rabih at Kouno at the end of the year. Even if the French were briefly repulsed, this did not prevent them from continuing and taking Kousséri. Here they linked up with another column, from Algeria, and one from Niger.Amédée-François Lamy took command of the united forces.

The final showdown between Rabih and the French took place on April 22, 1900. The French forces consisted of 700 troops, plus 600 riflemen and 200 cavalry provided by the allied Baguirmians. Rabih had assembled his full strength of 10,000. Leaving Kousséri in 3 columns, the French attacked Rabih's camp. Although Lamy was killed in the ensuing battle, Rabih's forces were overwhelmed and, while fleeing across the Chari River, Rabih was killed by a skirmisher from the Central Africa mission. Hearing there was a bonus for Rabih's corpse, the skirmisher returned to the field and brought back Rabih’s head and right hand. French casualties amounted to 28 dead and 75 wounded; Rabih lost 1000-1500 dead and over 3000 wounded, including camp followers.

With Rabih's defeat, his empire rapidly disintegrated. A year later his son Fadlallah was defeated and killed. The French ensured their control over most of Chad, which became part of the French colonial empire. Bornu would fall to Britain.

[Ennath]

April 23, 1521
Battle of Villalar

In 1516, Charles of Ghent succeeded his grandfather, Ferdinand of Aragon, as King of Castile and Aragon (as Carlos I.). In 1519, he was elected Holy Roman Emperor. His succession, however, was not generally approved. With Charles V a new era in Spanish history began - the crown of Castile was just one of many worn by Charles; he spent much time outside of Spain, and much attention on non-Spanish affairs. In addition, Charles (and his successors) treated Castile and Aragon as Spain, rather than as 2 individual kingdoms. Spain became part of the biggest Empire in European history. It included his 3 major kingdoms (Spain, Germany, the Low Countries), the Americas, which Spain had just begun to conquer, as well as territories in North Africa. Clearly, Spanish affairs were taking place very far away from the core of Spain.

Within unified Spain, Castile was given the Habsburgs’ prime attention. Here they established their Spanish residence. But Castile also had to contribute the lion's share to extraordinary revenue, required to finance the frequent external wars. In the towns, all they knew about Charles was that he barely had any knowledge of the Spanish language; he was more concerned with non-Spanish affairs; he treated Spain as insignificant in his global outlook (though economically it still was, compared to his other holdings).

In early 1520 things reached boiling point. Charles left for Brussels to attend his other affairs, leaving Castile in the hands of a Dutch Bishop - Adrian of Utretch. But this pushed the peoples’ patience to breaking point. It was one thing to be ruled by a Dutchman who was also grandson of Ferdinand of Aragon and son of a Castilian princess. But to be left in the hands of a complete stranger who seemed to have little idea of what Spain was, was quite another. Adrian didn't see the problem, continuing to favor the economic interests of the nobles over that of the town.

In February, Toledo kicked out their Corregidor Real (royal administrator) and became an independent community (comunidad) in April. Other cities began to follow suit. The men behind these people where called the Comuneros, being citizens of the urban centers. Juan de Padilla took command of the movement. Soon many nobles decided to join them; dissatisfaction with went beyond the cities, as many of the Castilian nobility resented the appointment of foreigners to high positions.

In June 1520, Toledo called for the Cortes (diet) to assemble; the latter referred to herself as the Santa Junta de Comunidad (Holy League of the Community, August). Regent Adrian attempted to use force to suppress the rebellion; this lead to the formation of an armed Comunero force, while the regent, unable to enforce his authority, had to disband his force (September) and fled.

Now the comuneros went so far to openly challenge the legitimacy of Charles V’s kingship; they insisted that his mother Juana (the Mad) be made queen instead; she resided in Tordesillas, a city now under the control of the comuneros. Adrian was placed under arrest; the rebellion had grown into a full-scale revolution. In November, the Junta set a series of demands for Charles; he was to return to Castile, appoint Castilians to high offices, was to marry, was to alter his policy of favoring the nobility at the expense of the cities, and was to increase the standing and authority of the Cortes.

In the countryside the rebellion took another dimension, with peasants turning against the nobility, forcing the nobles to take measures against the rural rebels. As some cities supported the rural rebels, a rift between the nobility and the comuneros began to open up. By December 1520, a noble force, which declared herself loyal to Charles, undertook operations against the Comuneros; Valladolid was taken, Queen Juana freed from the hands of the Comuneros. The rebels recovered with a significant victory at the Battle of Torrelobaton in February 1521.

In late March 1521, the royalists moved to combine their armies and threaten Torrelobaton. The Constable of Castile began to move his troops (including some recently transferred from the defense of Navarre) southwest from Burgos to meet with the Admiral’s forces near Tordesillas. This was possible due to the comunero-aligned Count of Salvatierra being caught up in the siege of Medina de Pomar; the Count’s forces had previously been enough of a threat to force the Constable to retain a large army to defend Burgos. The Constable’s army had approximately 3000 infantry, 600 cavalry, 4 cannons, and 5 light artillery pieces. His army took position in Becerril de Campos, near Palencia.

Meanwhile, the comuneros reinforced their troops at Torrelobaton, which was far less secure than they hoped. Their forces were suffering from desertions, and the presence of royalist artillery would make Torrelobaton’s castle vulnerable. They had 2 options: prevent the Constable and Admiral from uniting by striking at the Constable while he was still on the field, or carry out low-level harrying operations to try to slow the Constable down. The comuneros did neither, and thus allowed the Constable to approach nearly unchecked. The commander of the comunero armies, Juan de Padilla, considered withdrawing to Toro to seek reinforcements in early April, but wavered. He delayed his decision until the early hours of April 23, losing considerable time and allowing the royalists to unite their forces in Peñaflor.

The Royalist army pursued. As had been the case through most of the war, Royalists had a strong advantage in cavalry, with their army consisting of 6000 infantry and 2400 cavalry against Padilla’s 7000 infantry and 400 cavalry. Heavy rain slowed Padilla’s infantry more than the royalist cavalry and rendered the primitive firearms of the rebels’ 1000 arquebusiers nearly useless. Padilla hoped to reach the relative safety of Toro and the heights of Vega de Valdetronco, but his infantry was too slow. He gave battle with the harrying royalist cavalry at the town of Villalar.

The comuneros set up their artillery to try to blunt the cavalry charge, but this failed. According to some reports, the artillery did more damage to the comuneros than the royalist cavalry. According to the account of Pedro de Alcocer (a friend of the Padillas), the Comuneros were betrayed; the artillery and some 300 soldiers had been bought off by the royalists prior to the battle, and switched sides, and so intentionally fired high and destroyed their powder. A slightly more subdued theory blames the rain for the ineffectiveness of the Comunero artillery. Finally, it is possible that in the heat of the battle, the artillerymen simply panicked and made mistakes.

The cavalry charges scattered the rebel ranks, turning the battle into a slaughter. There were an estimated 500-1000 rebel casualties and many desertions. The Royalists lost 20-30 dead. The most important leaders of the rebellion were captured: Juan de Padilla, Juan Bravo, and Francisco Maldonado. They were beheaded the next morning in the Plaza of Villalar, in front of a large portion of the Royalist noblemen. The remains of the rebel army at Villalar fragmented, with some attempting to join Acuña’s army near Toledo and others fleeing to Portugal. The rebellion was struck a crippling blow.

This doesn't mean it was all for naught. Charles V began to spend more time in Spain, learned Spanish and named Castilians to high office. He married and had children. He did, though, continue a policy favoring the economic interests of the nobility. The unlucky Regent, Bishop Adrian of Utrecht, was elected Pope (Adrian VI) in January 1522, but died a year later.

[Ennath]

April 24, 1625
Relief of Genoa

In 1622 Cardinal Richelieu had arranged an anti-Spanish league with Venice and Savoy. The French claimed that due to the alliance between them and the Duke of Savoy, they had to help Savoy, at war with Genoa, by attacking Valtelline and diverting the resources of the Spanish, who were supporters of the Genoese. In the autumn of 1624, French and Swiss troops invaded the Catholic valleys of the Grey Leagues and seized the forts. Consequently, Spain formed an alliance with the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the Duke of Modena and Parma, and the republics of Genoa and Lucca, deciding to take united action. The irony of a Cardinal attacking the troops of a Catholic alliance was not lost on Rome, Spain, and ultra-Catholics in France.

In 1625 the French marshals François de Bonne, Duke of Lesdiguières and Charles de Blanchefort, Marquis de Créquy, joined the Duke of Savoy, and invaded the territories of the Republic of Genoa. An attack on Genoa would cut the southern end of the Spanish Road and knock out Spain's banker. The time seemed opportune, with the apparent convergence of Protestant hostility to the Habsburgs, and explains French participation in talks with the Protestant general Ernst von Mansfeld, fighting the Hapsburgs in Germany. Richelieu hoped England and the Dutch would send a fleet to assist his own squadron in cutting the sea route between Spain and Genoa, while Venice attacked Milan.

François Annibal d”Estrées, Duke of Estrées and 3500 French troops crossed Protestant Swiss territory to join a similar number of Swiss levied with French money. More subsidies and troops poured into Savoy, where the French formed a third of the 30,000-strong army that began operations against Genoa in February 1625. The attack caught the Genoese Republic unprepared. Most of the Republic was overrun, while 4000 reinforcements from Spain were intercepted by French warships in March.

The number of galleys of the Genoese republic were increased and the republic was defended by around 11,000 soldiers consisting of German mercenaries and men raised within the walls. By February the invaders were within sight of the city and began to occupy the western Riviera. In March Genoa was attacked by the combined army and the French fleet threatened to cut communications with Spain, capturing three Genoese ships carrying nearly 650,000 pieces of eight.

Estrées quickly conquered the Valtellina, where the Papal garrisons offered no resistance except at Riva and Chiavenna. Richelieu’s elaborate plan then began to unravel. The Valtellina operation placed France in direct opposition to an essentially Francophile papacy, incensing opinion at home. Don Gómez Suárez de Figueroa, Duke of Feria sent 6000 men and Tommaso Caracciolo, Count of Roccarainola to reinforce the city of Genoa, which continued to resist the Franco-Savoyard siege. Venice abstained from the fighting, while English and Dutch support failed to materialize.

Yet while the strategic importance of the city and port of Genoa to the Spanish military system ensured that an attack would certainly succeed in drawing off Spanish troops, it presented France with military difficulties that were as considerable as those of the Valtelline theater. Above all, Spanish naval superiority would make an effective seaward blockade of Genoa impossible, and greatly reduce the likelihood of success if the siege proved to be lengthy. Moreover, an attack on a third party, albeit a firm ally of Spain, was hard to reconcile with the rhetoric of liberating the peninsula from the yoke of Habsburg servitude; other states such as Mantua, Modena, Parma and especially France’s habitual ally, Venice, drew the obvious conclusion and declined to join the Franco-Savoyard initiative. Despite these problems, Lesdigueres moved down through Piedmont to blockade Genoa with an army of 23,000 men, one third of whom were French.

Genoa entrusted the command of its army to Carlo Doria, Duke of Tursi and Giovanni Gerolamo Doria, while the Marquis of Santa Cruz was ordered to relieve the city. 4000 Spanish troops from Naples embarked, among whom were 2000 elite infantry from the Army of Flanders. Santa Cruz reached Genoa and was received with great joy by the citizens. Soon the tenacity and experience of the Spanish showed results and the French army began to retreat, as their situation was becoming unsustainable. After a month the Franco-Savoyards retreated and the Spanish was able to save the city, so very important for their economy. Santa Cruz also counterattacked by sea, destroying three French warships at the Hyeres Islands.

Meanwhile, Richelieu arrived at Turin on February 1. Gavi surrendered on April 22, but it was too late to take Genoa. In the Tyrol, an Imperial army was preparing to intervene in the Valtelline valley, while the Spanish under the Duke of Feria prepared to come to Genoa’s aid. The Spanish took Acqui then marched against Casale, reclaiming Gavi and Novi, while Lesdiguieres withdrew. The Duke of Savoy, joined by the Marquis de Créquy, who replaced Lesdiguieres beat a retreat to Piedmont and entrenched at Verrua. The Duke of Feria was stopped on August 5, and shortly afterwards he lifted the siege of Verrua. French-Savoyard policy was in ruins.

The Genoese allowed their troops to be placed under the command of the Count of Roccarainola, as suggested by the Spanish. Galeazzo Giustiani with 4 Genoese galleys captured the Savoyard capitana and things seemed to be taking a turn for the better. Disillusion with Spanish management came quickly, though. The Genoese were eager to recover their lost territories, but Santa Cruz, now with 70 galleys in the port, refused to leave.

Nevertheless, the Spanish-Genoese offensive that summer and autumn managed to recapture all of the Republic’s lost territory, with the exception of the castle of La Penna and had even added Oneglia, Ormea, and a number of localities in Piedmont to its possessions. All was not to go to the republic's liking, however. In October, at the height of success against Savoy, the Spanish and the French, without consulting their respective allies signed a 6-month truce, which was imposed on Genoa and Savoy as well.

In March 1626 the French and Spanish concluded the Treaty of Monzón, suspension of fighting between the Duke of Savoy and the Republic of Genoa being an integral part of the agreement. The treaty restored the pre-1618 status quo, with important qualifications. Papal jurisdiction was nominally restored over the Valtellina; this was now recognized as Catholic, which strengthened its autonomy and introduced doubt as to who could decide on transit through the valley. Papal troops replaced the French though the forts were supposed to be destroyed.

Monzón represented a serious reverse for Richelieu who blamed his envoy for the terms and feigned illness to avoid seeing the furious Savoyard ambassador. Abandoned, Savoy was obliged to make its own peace and now sought a Spanish alliance and intrigued with French malcontents against Richelieu, including possible involvement in the Chalais plot to murder the cardinal in 1626.

[Ennath]

1954
Jebel Akhdar War

During the late 19th century and early 20th century, the Sultan in Muscat faced encroaching forces of the Imam of Oman proper, centered on the town of Nizwa. This conflict was resolved temporarily in 1920 by the Treaty of Seeb, which granted the Imam an autonomous rule in the interior Imamate of Oman, while recognizing the nominal sovereignty of the Sultan of Muscat. In the early 1920s, oil was found in the region of Fahud, part of the Imamate lands, prompting the Sultan to violate the Treaty of Seeb and take over the Imamate.

When Said bin Taimur became ruler of Muscat and Oman, the defense of the region was guaranteed by treaties with Britain. The only armed forces in Muscat and Oman were tribal levies and a palace guard recruited from Baluchistan in Pakistan (due to a historical quirk by which the Sultan also owned the port of Gwadar).

Before 1954, there had been a dispute with Saudi Arabia over ownership of the Buraimi Oasis, important for oil exploration rights. In 1954, the Imam of Oman was Ghalib bin Ali Al Hinai. He had been prepared to muster Omani tribesmen to expel the Saudis from Buraimi, but at British instigation, the matter was settled by arbitration. To prevent the Imam interfering with the settlement, a battalion-sized task force, the Muscat and Oman Field Force, to which some British officers were attached, was raised, and occupied the town of Ibri. The Sultan’s prestige and authority was damaged by his disdain for his own people.

Imam Ghalib launched an uprising in 1954, when the Sultan of Oman granted licenses to the Iraq Petroleum Company, disregarding the fact that the largest oil fields lay inside the Imamate. With the Field Force occupying part of his territory, Ghalib resisted. However his efforts were defeated and he had to return to his home village of Blad Seit.

Sultan Said relied heavily on continued British military support. Iraq Petroleum, along with its operator of oil exploration, Petroleum Development Oman, was owned by European oil giants including Anglo-Iranian Oil’s successor British Petroleum, which encouraged the British government to extend its support to the Sultan.

Talib bin Ali Al Hinai, the Imam’s brother, who had fled to Saudi Arabia, returned in 1957 with 300 well-equipped fighters, and the insurrection broke out again. Talib’s forces occupied a fortified tower near Bilad Sait, which the Field Force lacked the heavy weapons to destroy. After some weeks’ inconclusive fighting, Suleiman bin Himyar, the Sheikh of one of the major tribes in the interior, openly proclaimed his defiance of the Sultan, and began a general rising. The Muscat and Oman Field Force was largely destroyed as it tried to retreat through hostile towns and villages.

The rebellion was suppressed by the Muscat Regiment and the Trucial Oman Levies from the neighboring Trucial States (now the UAE). The decisive factor however, was the intervention of infantry (2 companies of the Cameronians) and armored car detachments from the British Army and aircraft of the RAF. Talib’s forces retreated to the inaccessible Jebel Akhdar. The Muscat attacks up the few paths up the Jebel were easily repelled.

The Sultan’s army was reorganized under Col. David Smiley. The Batinah Force was renamed the Northern Frontier Regiment and the remnants of the Muscat and Oman Field Force were merged into the new Oman Regiment. Within each unit and sub-unit, Baluchi and Arab soldiers were mixed. This prevented units defecting to or openly sympathizing with the rebels, but led to tensions within units, and orders were frequently not followed because of language problems. Many of the notionally Omani soldiers were recruited from the province of Dhofar, and looked down upon by other Arabs.

The Army was still unable to deal with Talib’s stronghold. The few paths up the Jebel Akhdar were too narrow to deploy attacking battalions or even companies. One attempt was made against the southern face, using 4 infantry companies (including 2 from the Trucial Oman Scouts). The attackers withdrew hastily after concluding they were vulnerable to ambush. In another attempt, infantry launched a feint and then withdrew while Shackleton bombers of the RAF bombarded the supposedly massed defenders. They inflicted no casualties. Venoms from RAF Sharjah were also used to bomb and strafe the mountain strongholds.

For 2 years, rebel infiltrators mined the roads around the Jebel, and ambushed loyalist and British detachments and oil company vehicles. The loyalists were spread in small detachments in the towns and villages at the foot of the Jebel, and thus vulnerable and on the defensive. Their arms (mainly British weapons of World War II vintage) were less effective than the up-to-date equipment used by Talib’s fighters.

It was estimated by some British officers that a full-scale attack by a British brigade would be required to recapture the Jebel. Smiley and others felt that a smaller operation by Special Forces with air support would suffice. Eventually in 1959, 2 squadrons from the Special Air Service were deployed, under Anthony Deane-Drummond. After making feints against outlying positions on the north side of the Jebel Akhdar, they scaled the southern face at night, taking the rebels by surprise. Supplies were parachuted to them once they reached the plateau, which may have misled some of the rebels into thinking that this was an assault by paratroops. Eventually, Talib and his fighters either melted back into the local population or fled to Saudi Arabia. Imam Ghalib went with them.

The casualties of this five-year conflict were hundreds of rebels killed, together with significant human cost to the British and Sultan’s loyal troops. The decisive 1959 offensive resulted in the deaths of 13 of the Sultan’s Armed Forces and British personnel, and 176 rebels in the final month of fighting.

With the defeat of the Imam, the Treaty of Seeb was terminated and the autonomous Imamate of Oman abolished. In the early 1960s, the Imam, exiled to Saudi Arabia, obtained support from his hosts and other Arab governments, but this ended in the 1980s.

Some insurgents continued to cross into Oman from Saudi Arabia or via the UAE, and laid land mines which continued to cause casualties to government units and civilian vehicles. The army lacked the numbers to prevent this infiltration. A paramilitary force, the Oman Gendarmerie was formed in 1960 to assist the armed forces in this task, and also to take over normal policing duties. The landmine campaign eventually dwindled away.

[Ennath]

April 25, 775
Battle of Bagrevand

Following the establishment of the Abbasid Caliphate, Caliph al-Mansur (r. 754–775) abolished the subsidies paid to the various Armenian princes (nakharars) and in addition imposed heavy taxes on them. Coupled with religious persecution against the majority Christian Armenian population, these measures prompted the outbreak of a major anti-Abbasid revolt in 774. The revolt was led by Artavazd Mamikonian, but gathered the direct or tacit support of most nakharar families, most notably the hitherto pro-Arab Bagratuni, while the Artsruni and Siwni families remained neutral. The rebellion spread through Armenia, including attacks against Arab tax-collectors, and the local Arab governor, al-Hasan ibn Qahtaba, was unable to contain it. The Caliph sent 30,000 Khurasanis under Amir ibn Isma'il into the province, and at the Battle of Bagrevand on April 25, 775, the nakharars suffered a decisive defeat, losing their leaders, Smbat VII Bagratuni and Mushegh VI Mamikonian. After the battle, the revolt was brutally suppressed by the Abbasids.

The defeat of the Armenian revolt eliminated the power of several of the nakharar houses, which survived either as dependants of other families, or as exiles in Byzantium. On the other hand, the Artsruni, who switched over to the Caliphate in time, profited from the power vacuum to rise to power in Vaspurakan, while the Bagratuni, after retreating for a while to their mountain strongholds, managed to reclaim a dominant position in the country during the 9th century.

The Abbasids followed their re-imposition of control over Armenia by a similar purge of the native Christian nobility in neighboring Iberia in the 780s, as well as by a new settlement policy which saw increasing numbers of Arab Muslims settled in the Transcaucasus, with the effect that by the turn of the 9th century, the Arab element predominated in the towns and lowlands. In the next century, Caucasian Albania was effectively Islamicized, while Iberia and much of Armenia came under the control of a series of Arab emirates.

[Ennath]

April 26, 1945
Battle of Collechio

The Brazilian Expeditionary Division (FEB), commanded by Gen. João Baptista Mascarenhas de Morais, arrived in Italy in the latter part of 1944, at a time when Allied troops were being transferred from Italy to take part in operations in southern France. In July, the 6th RCT (Regimental Combat Team) reached Naples, the first of 5 contingents. With 3 US tank companies as reinforcements, 6th RCT moved to the front in September. 1st and 11th RCTs arrived in November, bringing the FEB up to division strength. At its peak, the Brazilian division had a total of 25,334 men.

In February 1945, the Brazilians overcame the German defenders of the strong Monte Castello position. They then moved eastward, fighting at Roncovecchio, Seneveglio and Castelnuovo. The division fought a tough 4-day battle for Montese, which was taken on April 16. Turning north, by April 22, the FEB had broken into the Po Valley, pursuing the fleeing German forces. Zenóbio da Costa of 6th RCT took the vehicles from 10 of his 12 artillery batteries for use as infantry transport, creating a mobile force with 606 jeeps and 676 trucks of different types. On the morning of April 26, Brazilian forces were consolidating the defenses of Parma, when they heard that German units were approaching from the south.

By the end of March 1945 the German army was in an impossible situation. It suffered from an acute lack of supplies, total domination of the skies by the Allies, and large and rapidly growing partisan forces. By April 23, the situation was desperate. The partisans had taken Parma, Fiume had been occupied by Tito’s Yugoslav forces and French units had entered Italy from the west. German 148th Infantry Division (Otto Fretter-Pico), which had been based around the Gulf of Genoa, was making a last effort to break out to the north across the Po Valley. With it were elements of 90th Panzergrenadier Division and RSI (Italian Fascist) 4th Mountain and 1st Bersaglieri Divisions.

On news of the German-Italian forces’ approach, retreating from the Genoa-La Spezia region, which had been liberated by the US 92nd Division, a Brazilian armored reconnaissance squadron moved south from Parma, meeting leading units of the Axis forces at Collecchio. They first met armored cars from the 90th Division’s reconnaissance unit, and then tanks (of the same division) with infantry from 281st Regiment of 148th Division. The reconnaissance squadron called for reinforcements. Captain Pitaluga’s reconnaissance troop, with M8 Greyhound armored cars fought it out against more lightly armored German vehicles, which only had 20 mm cannons. However, the Brazilian armored cars were vulnerable to tanks and anti-tank weapons. Like the M10 Wolverine (another vehicle used by Brazilian cavalry), the M8 had open-topped turrets, which made them more vulnerable to infantry, especially in urban combat, as at Collecchio.

A force of Brazilian infantry was hastily ferried to the town in jeeps, trucks and halftracks, and the transport sent back for more. By 1830, the Brazilian infantry was in place and prepared for action. Major Orlando Gomez Ramagem, commander of 2nd Battalion, 11th Infantry was given command. With the war clearly drawing to a close, the troops may have been reluctant to take unnecessary risks. At first, Major Ramagem was in favor of encamping for the night, but he was dissuaded by the divisional commander.

Ramagem ordered some of his troops, supported by the machine guns, to dig in to block Highway 62, which led north to Parma. The 5th company of 11th RCT was ordered to attack at 1930. The first attacks were made from the southeast by this company, which quickly captured the church. This was followed by attacks from the northeast by a company of 6th RCT. German infantry defending the outskirts of the town, supported by mortars, responded to the attacks with intense fire. Neither the Brazilians nor the Germans had any regular artillery.

More troops from 2nd Company, 1st Battalion, 6th RCT arrived at 2100, some riding on American and Brazilian M10 tank destroyers and M4 tanks, to enter the fight. The Axis troops made several unsuccessful attempts to break through to the north, but by 0200 on April 27, the Brazilians had penetrated into the town. The Axis forces, reinforced by artillery and some tanks made a final desperate assault just before dawn. When this failed, their resistance collapsed. By noon, the Brazilians had full control of the town, forcing the Germans and Italian Fascists south toward Fornovo by late afternoon.

Prisoners taken in the battle at Collecchio confirmed partisan reports that 148th Division had come from the Gulf of Genoa and was in the area surrounding Fornovo di Taro about 9 miles southwest of Collecchio on Highway 62. 148th Division made an attempt to halt the allies here. The Brazilians, with American tank support, attacked this position at 1800 on April 28. The defeat at Collecchio and follow-up attacks in Fornovo, convinced the German commander that defeat was inevitable. At 2200, Gen. Fretter-Pico sent emissaries seeking a cease fire while terms were discussed. On April 29, he surrendered his division intact.

Gen. Mascarenhas de Morais received the surrender of the Germans and Italians on April 29. In one week the Brazilians, at a cost of 45 dead and wounded, had captured 14,700 troops, 800 officers and two generals. They also took 1500 vehicles and 80 guns. All Axis forces in Italy capitulated on May 2.

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April 27, 1684
Siege of Luxembourg

The treaties ending the War of Devolution (see posting) and the Franco–Dutch War ceded a number of towns to France. By tradition, when a town changed hands, so did the surrounding rural areas, which provided it with food and supplies. Often, the borders of these dependent regions were ill-defined. Thus, Louis XIV and his court, from 1670, introduced several Chambers of Reunion to investigate whether France had been granted all the territory it was owed. The Chambers, naturally, ruled that a number of outlying areas should be awarded to France. They generally consisted of small towns and villages, and for the most part, Louis's annexations went unopposed.

Most territory seized came from the Spanish Netherlands and Alsace. Strasbourg was intended to remain a neutral and independent city. However, that left large rural lands under Louis’ control that were unprotected by major garrison towns, as Louis' advisors believed that as long as Strasbourg remained independent, Alsace would never be secure from attack. In 1681 Strasbourg was annexed after Louis surrounded the city with overwhelming force. A bombardment was begun of Luxembourg, but this was suspended when the Ottomans besieged Vienna in 1683. Louis decided that it would be impolitic for him to attack another Christian kingdom while that kingdom was under attack from the infidel Turk.

As the Ottoman threat subsided, the Habsburgs were able to turn their attentions to the west. Spain declared war on France on October 26, 1683. A French army under the Duke of Humières surrounded the town of Courtrai on the night of November 3-4. The fortress fell on the 6th. Humières then advanced on Dixmude, which surrendered without a fight on November 10.

In January 1684, the French Marshal François de Créquy succeeded in cutting Luxembourg off from the main Spanish army. An army of 20,000 was posted between Brussels and Luxembourg, in order to distract the enemy. Sébastien de Vauban was in command of the siege of Luxembourg. The French numbered 25,000 men, and had more than 70 guns. The Spanish garrison was commanded by the Prince de Chimay and the Comte de Tille. They included 4090 men, supplemented by 600 volunteers from the city. The city and fortress lacked provisions and ammunition. The siege started when defensive positions were built around the city from April 27, in order to protect the besieging army. The defenders attempted to hinder the work as much as possible. On May 1 there was a major sortie; the workers in the area of the attack were driven off and the works destroyed, before a counterattack forced the Spanish to return to the fortress.

As the main point of attack, Vauban chose the New Gate. Feints were also planned. From early May, the actual siege trenches were dug. Vauban approached the fortress in 2 locations. Both were linked through a connecting trench. The French set up 4 siege batteries, aimed at the main point of attack and the bombardment began on May 8. A sortie on the 9th failed to achieve much. Mining began on May 14, while above ground the work was exposed increasingly to defending fire, especially from the redoubts, which therefore became the main target of the French guns. On May 18, the French gained entry to Redoubt Mary by an underground passage; the position fell the next day.

Redoubt Berlaimont was the next target; it was evacuated by the Spanish on the night of May 21 after constant heavy bombardment. The French could now move their guns close to the city. On May 25, the Spanish were driven from the interior cover passage after heavy fighting. French sappers began damaging the walls through mine explosions; this aided the storming of the Counter-Guard Barlaimont on May 27. The Spanish then withdrew from further posts which had become indefensible. The defenders were withdrawn to the citadel on May 31.

The governor of the fortress convened a council of war. As there was no hope of relief and he feared pillages and massacres in the city after a storming, he inquired as to terms. These negotiations did not bring results, and the gunfire from both sides became heavier than ever. The French were beginning to achieve some breaches, especially around the castle. and it became clear that the garrison could not hold out. On June 3, a white flag was raised. Negotiations began and on the 7th, the garrison was allowed to leave the city with 1300-2000 surviving soldiers with their horses and weaponry. The garrison suffered more than 2700 casualties (dead, wounded and sick). Of the city volunteers, 80 died. The French suffered losses of 8000 men.

The French then marched to Trier, where they took the city and destroyed the fortifications. After this they marched into the Electorate of Cologne, with the approval of its ruler. Spanish forces in the Netherlands, backed by the Holy Roman Empire, continued to fight until a final treaty was reached at Ratisbon on August 15. France retained all the territory taken during the war, including Strasbourg and Luxembourg. France's subsequent actions taken after the war were intended only to turn the truce into a real, permanent treaty.

The Republic of Genoa had a long relationship with Spain. However, Genoese involvement in the recent war between Spain and France had been rather limited, merely allowing the Spanish to recruit mercenary soldiers and building some galleys for the Spanish navy. However, even that limited involvement was too much for the French to bear. As a punishment, a French fleet under the command of Abraham Duquesne began a bombardment of Genoa on May 17. The bombardment lasted for 12 days with the exception of a reprieve May 22-25 to allow for negotiations. When these broke down, the bombardment resumed and continued until May 28. In all, the French showered 13,300 bombs on Genoa, destroying about 2/3 of the city.

While Louis refused to send aid to the Empire and even dispatched secret envoys to encourage the Ottomans, contemporary accounts indicate that it would be unseemly for him to continue fighting the Empire on its western border. Thus, Louis agreed to the Truce of Ratisbon, guaranteeing 20 years of peace between France and the Empire and asking his first cousin, Charles II of England, to arbitrate the disputed border claims.

The war, like its immediate continental predecessors, failed to resolve the festering conflict between the French Bourbons and the Spanish and Austrian branches of the Hapsburg dynasty. The result would be another war beginning in 1688.

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743 BC
1st Messenian War

In the mid 8th century BC, the mutual hatred of Dorian Sparta and Achaean-dominated Messenia came to a head. The immediate provocation was an incident of cattle theft. Polychares of Messenia, an Olympic victor, leased some grazing land from Euaiphnos the Spartan, who promptly sold the cattle to some merchants, claiming pirates had stolen them. As he was making excuses to Polychares a herdsman of the latter, having escaped from the merchants, provided the real facts. Apologizing, Euaiphnos asked Polychares to let his son go with him to obtain the money from the sale, but once over the Spartan border he murdered the son. Polychares petitioned the Spartan magistrates for justice. Despairing of it he began to murder Spartans. The Spartans demanded extradition of Polychares. The Messenian magistrates insisted on an exchange for Euaiphnos.

The Spartans sent a delegation to petition the kings of Messenia. Androcles was for extradition, Antiochus against. The parties of the two kings assaulted each other and Androcles was killed. Antiochus told the Spartans he would submit the case to the courts at Argos (Dorian) and Athens (Achaean). Antiochus died a few months later and his son, Euphaes, succeeded him. The law case seems to have vanished. Shortly after, a Spartan army launched an invasion of Messenia, without the usual heraldic notification or any other warning. Alcmenes assembled an army. When it was ready they swore an oath not to stop fighting until they had taken Messenia no matter whether the war was long or short and regardless of the casualties and cost.

The first battle was the Spartan attack on Ampheia, a city of unknown location, but probably on the western flank of Taygetus. A swift night march brought them to the gates, which stood open. There was no garrison, nor were they in any way expected. The first sign the Ampheians had of war was the Spartans rousing people out of bed to kill them. Some few took refuge in the temples; others fled for their lives. The Spartans sacked the city then turned it into a garrison for the conduct of further operations.

When the news of Ampheia spread a crowd gathered at the capital, from all of Messenia. They were addressed by King Euphaes. He encouraged them to be true, assuring them that justice and the gods were on their side because they had not attacked first. He placed the entire citizenry under arms. He fortified and garrisoned the towns but avoided forays against the Spartan army. For 2 seasons more the Spartans raided the moveable wealth, especially confiscating grain and money, but were ordered to spare capital equipment such as buildings and trees, which might be of use after the war. In this matrix of fortified points the Spartans could never successfully besiege any one point. Declining to attack the main Spartan army, the Messenians could only assault undefended Spartan border communities when the opportunity arose.

In the 4th campaigning season (summer 739), Euphaes resolved to bring the war to the Spartans at Ampheia The Spartans were denying the Messenians use of the countryside for agriculture. This was untenable in the long term for the Messenians. They needed to strike a blow to remove the Spartan presence from their country. Euphaes judged his army sufficiently trained to oppose the Spartan professionals. He readied an expedition and marched towards Ampheia, constructing a fortified base nearer the target. No mention is made of any intelligence on the current position of the Spartan army. His actions were not those of a general expecting a battle that day. His intent must have been to move the start line of future attacks closer to the enemy.

The Spartans were tracking his every movement. They sent for reinforcements from Sparta, who marched directly for the enemy, encountering the Messenians between Ithome and Taygetus. Their approach was no surprise to Euphaes. Choosing his ground carefully he selected a site with one side bordering an impassable ravine between the armies. The Spartan commanders sent a force upstream to cross the ravine and outflank the Messenians, preventing them from building a camp, but Euphaes had anticipated this move. Following the Spartans along the other side of the ravine with 500 cavalry and light infantry under Pytharatos and Antandros they prevented the Spartans from crossing. The camp was finished the next day. Blocked, the Spartan army withdrew from Messenia. As it did not settle the war the battle is most often called inconclusive. As far as the tactical goals of the two armies are concerned, it was a Messenian victory.

Both sides knew that in the next campaigning season a major battle would be fought. Meanwhile, at Sparta Alcmenes died and was replaced by his son, Polydorus. Cleonnis commanded the Messenian fortified camp. At the start of the season he took his command to the east to engage a Spartan army that was marching west from Sparta.

They met on the plains beneath Taygetus at a still unknown location in Messenia, perhaps near Ampheia. The battle was mainly a heavy infantry engagement. Light troops played little part in the battle; they were mainly spectators. The armies faced each other in traditional lines. Euphaes yielded the command of the Messenian center to Cleonnis, while he took the left flank with Antandros, and Pythartos on the right. Facing Cleonnis was Euryleon, a noble Spartan, with Polydorus on his left and Theopompus on the right. The latter in his harangue appealed to glory, wealth and the oath they had all taken. Euphaes chose to present death or slavery, pointing to the fate of Ampheia. The signal was given to advance simultaneously on both sides.

Pausanias' description of the battle creates an apparent historical paradox. He implies that many Messenians “leapt forward out of rank and did glorious deeds of courage.” The Spartans, however, kept ranks in a deep formation, which the Messenians could not break. This is a description of a phalanx, but there is no evidence that it was used in Greece at this time. The first depiction of a phalanx on Corinthian vases dates to c.650 BC. At any rate, the Messenians had enough and fell back to heavily fortified Mt. Ithome.

This is when the Messenians first sent for help from the Oracle at Delphi. They were told that a sacrifice of a royal virgin was the key to their success and the daughter of Aristodemus, a Messenian hero, was chosen for the sacrifice. Upon hearing of this, the Spartans held off from attacking Ithome for several years, before finally making a long march under their kings and killing the Messenian leader. Aristodemus was made the new Messenian king and led an offensive, meeting the enemy and driving them back into their own territory.

In 724 BC, the Spartans then sent an envoy to Delphi and their following of her advice caused Messenian reverses so great that Aristodemus committed suicide and Ithome fell. The Messenians who had fortified themselves on the mountain either fled abroad or were captured and enslaved. These became the first helots. Sparta emerged from the war in a dominant position in regards to Messenia, but the spirit of defiance was not broken and a second Messenian War broke out in 685 BC.

[Ennath]

April 28, 1528
Battle of Capo d’Orso

Francis I of France, after his humiliating defeat at Pavia in 1525 (see posting) rekindled the war in Italy, this time with the support of Pope Clement VII, Venice, England, Milan and Florence, in the League of Cognac, all worried at the ascendancy of Charles V.

Despite some important initial successes such as the sack of Rome in 1527 (see posting), the Spanish army began to disintegrate from lack of funds. By the end of the year, a French army under the Viscount Lautrec had pushed the Spanish out of their prized possession in Italy, the Kingdom of Naples. If the city itself fell, Charles V would lose his last foothold in the peninsula and France would dominate the central Mediterranean.

In mid-April, Lautrec’s army reached the city walls. However, Naples was well defended and initial attacks failed, necessitating a proper siege. The aqueducts to the city were cut and thirst became an issue. Food stocks were also low. There were minor mutinies in the garrison. To prevent supply by sea, the French sent a squadron of galleys belonging to the mercenary ship owners Andrea and Antonio Doria, in French service since 1522. This squadron was under the command of Andrea’s nephew Filippino, with the Genoese nobleman Nicolo Lomellino as his lieutenant. The fleet, besides blockading Naples, also took several points along the coast (Capri, Pozzuoli, Castelammare and Procida). However, the French fleet was too small to keep the blockade airtight, since the galleys could not spend more than a few hours a day at sea and had to return to base at Salerno each night. Expecting Venetian reinforcements, the French refused to have Doria send more ships. But the Venetians were delayed by repairs and operations against the Spanish in Apulia.

In the city, the Spanish were waiting for relief. In the meantime, the Naples squadron was on its own. Its 6 vessels were outnumbered and outgunned by the 8 French ships. Despite their inferiority, the Spanish decided to attack. This may have been the result of a struggle in the Spanish command. Hugo de Moncada, a veteran of Mediterranean warfare, saw a sortie as his best chance to counter the prominence of young Philibert of Chalon, Prince of Orange, a skilled general, but with no naval experience. The squabble led to a third choice, Alfonso d’Avalos, Marchese del Vasto, to command the flotilla. Moncada joined him, but Philibert remained in the city.

Aware of Genoese superiority in seamanship, the Spanish packed their galleys with picked troops to gain superiority in boarding. Some 700 Spanish and 200 German Landsknechts under Konrad Glorn were embarked. To make the fleet seem larger than it really was, dozens of small vessels were attached. Steps were also taken to ensure the loyalty of Genoese officers and sailors, who would be fighting a fleet heavily crewed by their countrymen. Fabrizio Giustiniani was particularly suspected, as the father-in-law of Antonio Doria.

On the evening of April 27, the Spanish fleet exited the harbor and sailed west to Posillipo, spending the night there. Early the next morning, they sailed south to Capri, 17 nautical miles away. They were spotted late and the French were still at Salerno; the Spanish had a chance to catch the French still anchored. Filippino sent an urgent plea for reinforcements, but the French camp was far enough way that no help could arrive until afternoon. However, the Spanish fail to seize their opportunity, taking a leisurely lunch and not leaving Capri until the afternoon, proceeding east to Amalfi. By now French reinforcements had arrived. At 4:00, some 400 Gascon musketeers under Gilbert du Croq embarked and the French put to sea.

With dozens of vessels, the Spanish fleet looked very formidable and 3 French ships fled south. Doria was now outnumbered. Nevertheless, they engaged around 5:00. French cannon fire proved superior to the Spanish and heavy losses were inflicted. But the Spanish boarded the French flagship and 2 other vessels. On the north flank , 3 ships surrounded the French Pellegrina and Donzella and boarded. Both ships were soon in difficulty. In the south, the landsknechts boarded the Perpignana and Calabresa. The Sirena was isolated and captured.

At this point, the 3 French ships that had fled earlier returned to the fight. The ships under Nicolo Lomellino took the Spanish flagship from behind and rammed it. In the boarding action that followed, Moncada was shot dead. Both sides lost heavily; the French were still outnumbered and hard-pressed until Doria freed the slave and convict rowers, promising their freedom if they fought. The Spanish were soon overwhelmed. Two galleys were sunk, along with 2 smaller vessels, and 4 galleys were captured, including the flagship. The last 2 Spanish galleys managed to cut lose from the French grapnels and make their escape. By 9:00, the battle was over.

The first ship to return to Naples was met by the Prince of Orange. Outraged at what he called cowardice, he had all the ship’s officers hanged in full view of the harbor. Expecting such a fate, the captain of the second remaining galley sailed away west. The first galley, now re-crewed, was sent in pursuit the next day, but the second ship had defected and captured its pursuer.

The Naples squadron had been destroyed. 700 Spanish and Germans were dead and 600 captured. The French had also lost heavily, with 500 men dead. However, the blockade was secure.

The long-awaited Venetian fleet finally arrived on June 11, tightening the blockade. The victors, however, started to squabble about the prisoners. The Genoese mercenaries, in particular, refused to hand the main Spanish prisoners to Lautrec as the French had kept the ransoms for themselves. Doria instead dispatched the most important prisoners to his uncle in Genoa. There the Marchese d’Avalos opened negotiations with the Doria’s to bring them over to the Empire’s side. Finally, on June 30, Andrea Doria declared himself in favor of the Hapsburgs and withdrew his fleet from Naples. The situation on land was deteriorating as badly as at sea. An epidemic broke out in the French camp, causing serious losses. Lautrec himself succumbed on August 15 and the French abandoned southern Italy.