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Old June 13th, 2018, 12:37 PM   #5281
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June 13, 1863
2nd Battle of Winchester

After the Battle of Brandy Station, June 9, 1863, Gen. Lee ordered Richard Ewell's 19,000-man 2nd Corps to clear the lower Shenandoah Valley of Union opposition so that Lee's army could proceed on its invasion of Pennsylvania, shielded by the Blue Ridge Mountains from Union interference.

Union General-in-chief Henry Halleck expressed concerns about the Middle Department's defensive strategy its primary objective of protecting the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Brig. Gen. Benjamin Franklin Kelley, commander of the "railroad division" (Department of Harper's Ferry), had been advised that his plan, along with that Maj. Gens. Robert Milroy (2nd Division, VIIII Corps) and. Robert Schenck (Commander of the Middle Department) was unsound. Milroy's force of 6900 consisted of 3 infantry brigades and 2 small outposts northwest of Winchester under Col. Joseph Keifer.

Ewell left Hamilton's Crossing on June 4. Receiving intelligence that Union forces had crossed the Rappahannock in force, Lee ordered Ewell northeast to Brandy Station, to support J.E.B. Stuart, only to find Union forces already retreating. On the evening of the 11th, after consulting with Lee, Ewell met with his division generals to discuss approach routes, and a general plan to capture Winchester and Martinsburg. On the 12th, they passed southeast of Front Royal and planned the attack for the following day. 2nd Corps was to be split into 2 groups. The division of Robert Rodes and the cavalry brigade of Albert Jenkins would move north through Berryville to Martinsburg to cut off Union forces at Winchester and, if possible, capture the 1800 Union troops at Berryville. The main force, the divisions of Edward “Allegheny” Johnson and Jubal Early and a battalion of Jenkins’ cavalry brigade, would attack directly to Winchester. Ewell further split his main attack force into 2 flanking movements, Early to the left and Johnson to the right.

By April, 4 months into his occupation of Winchester, Milroy's loose grip on Confederate raiding caused enough concern for the Middle Department commander, Schenck, to directly order Milroy to post a brigade at Berryville. It offered a base of operations to patrol crossings of the Shenandoah River and lookout for raiders. In response, Milroy posted McReynolds' brigade in Berryville, with orders to evacuate to Winchester upon the signal of the firing of a heavy gun.

Winchester was heavily protected by forts and lunettes around the town, as well as along the outlying turnpikes. The fortifications were linked in places with roads and trenches, and the use of these were a key to Milroy's defensive strategy. Through a combination of drawing back into the defensive works, and then using his long-range heavy guns, Milroy felt that he could hold out for weeks against any force that may be thrown against him. He also stationed pickets and videttes around Winchester, but they were too close, due to bushwacking of his patrols. He thus had practically no surveillance.

The battle began on the morning of June 13. Johnson's division, while moving northwest on the Front Royal Pike, drove back Federal pickets at the Opequon River around 8:30, and engaged in cavalry skirmishes at Hoge Run. His advance stalled under fire from Ft. Milroy's heavy guns shortly before noon. Johnson held his position at that point to synchronize with the arrival of Early's Division. Late in the afternoon, around 4:00, Early pushed back Federal skirmishers at the Valley Pike toll-gate and after minor engagements, the Federal forces retreated north of Abrams Creek. Milroy still had no idea that he was facing the entire 2nd Corps of Lee's Army and concentrated all of his forces in the 3 forts defending the town. Having feared exactly this type of a scenario, Halleck had asked Schenck to order Milroy to fall back from Winchester to Harpers Ferry. Milroy had convinced Schenck that his defensive position was strong.

Ewell, based on good intelligence from sources in the lower Valley, had foreseen that Milroy's only escape route could be successfully blocked and had already anticipated by having Rodes' Division advance on Martinsburg via Berryville to cut off Milroy's expected retreat. That afternoon, having reached Berryville, Rodes and Jenkins attempted to capture McReynolds' brigade, but, alerted to the Confederate movement by the firing of signal guns by Milroy's main force, McReynolds withdrew to Winchester, where his force occupied the Star Fort north of town. Nevertheless, the Confederates were able to capture portions of the Federal supply train at nearby Bunker Hill, West Virginia, along with 75 prisoners. Confederate forces cut the telegraph line into Winchester, Milroy's only line of communication, and by sundown Rodes' division had reached Martinsburg. A strong rain drenched Winchester and the lower Valley all night long.

At dawn on June 14, Gordon's brigade swept forward to capture Bower's Hill with little resistance. Johnson extended his line against very light opposition. Early and Ewell conferred and decided on a flanking strategy. Gordon was left on Bower's Hill, while Early led his three other brigades back to Cedar Creek Grade, out of view of Federal fortifications, then north to Walnut Grove. While Early made this march, Johnson advanced a line of skirmishers to occupy the Federals' attention, skirmishing all day from 10 a.m. until about 4 p.m. The Confederate batteries on Bower's Hill opened up, touching off a duel with the Federal guns in Fort Milroy. By mid-afternoon, Early had gained a position opposite West Fort on Apple Pie Ridge. Within the Federal forts, Milroy and his sub-commanders believed that the Confederates had been repulsed, still seemingly unaware they were now totally surrounded, with the additional problem of an entire division (Rodes') occupying their primary escape route north.

About 6 p.m., Early's artillery opened up on West Fort, while Hays stealthily advanced his Louisiana brigade. On command, the brigade rushed forward across 300 yards of open fields and swept upward. After a brief struggle, the Federals abandoned the works, retreating to Ft. Milroy, while their own captured guns were turned and used against them. Early consolidated his line, but darkness prevented further gains. An artillery duel continued until long after dark.

Ewell assumed that Milroy might attempt a retreat during the night and ordered Johnson to prevent this by marching north and cutting the route via the Charles Town Road, which could possibly bypass Rodes' Division in the north. Therefore, about 9 p.m., Johnson commenced a night march north to Berryville Pike and west to Jordan Springs Road, where he turned north toward Stephenson's Depot.

Meanwhile, Milroy and his officers made the decision to try to break out to Harpers Ferry on the old Charles Town Road, the very same road that Johnson was marching toward. All of the cannons were spiked and their carriages destroyed. Shortly after midnight, the Federals left their works so quietly that Early's Confederates did not know they were gone until morning. The column massed in the low ground between Star Fort and Ft. Milroy, then moved down along the railroad line and the Valley Pike toward the Charles Town crossroad, just south of Stephenson's Depot.

Near dawn on June 15, Johnson's skirmishers encountered the head of Milroy's retreating column. Milroy faced his column to the right on the pike and prepared to fight his way out. As it grew light, Federal forces made several desperate but uncoordinated attacks against the bridge and railroad embankment. The Confederates were being steadily reinforced and repulsed each attempt. Nicholl's Brigade crushed the final Federal attack and the Stonewall Brigade then came up in line of battle north of the road and advanced to cut the Valley Pike. This was the final blow; and some remaining Federal regiments hoisted the white flag. At some point Milroy's horse was shot out from under him, and the division scattered, with some small groups even managing to escape covertly to the southeast toward and through Manassas Gap into Federal territory.

The Federals lost 95 men killed, 348 wounded and 3856 captured. The victory cost Ewell 47 killed, 219 wounded and 3 missing. Milroy and his staff, his cavalry, and other small units, totaling about 1200 escaped to Harpers Ferry. In the following days, another 2700 made it to Pennsylvania. Milroy was placed under arrest. A Court of Inquiry was held, and both Pres. Lincoln and Halleck desired to know who disobeyed the orders to "evacuate Winchester". The nature of the inquiry was later changed from investigating who disobeyed orders, to the discovery of the events and nature of the retreat from Winchester. Milroy was exonerated and claimed that his brilliant defensive action at Winchester was instrumental in causing the timing of the Battle of Gettysburg. Despite this, Halleck insisted that Milroy be given no more commands.

The Confederates had merely hoped to resupply and forage, but with the easy capture of Winchester, they captured enough artillery and horses to equip a battalion of infantry and cavalry, including 28 guns. They also took a great quantity of food, clothing, small arms ammunition and medical stores.
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Old June 13th, 2018, 12:38 PM   #5282
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322 BC
1st Diadochi War

When Alexander the Great died (June 10, 323 BC), he left behind a huge empire that was in essence composed of many independent territories. The empire stretched from his homeland of Macedon itself, along with the Greek city-states that his father had subdued, to Bactria and parts of India in the east. Without a chosen successor, there was almost immediately a dispute among his generals concerning his successor. Meleager and the infantry supported the candidacy of Alexander's half-brother, Arrhidaeus, while Perdiccas, the leading cavalry commander, supported waiting until the birth of Alexander's unborn child by Roxana. A compromise was arranged - Arrhidaeus (as Philip III) would become king and rule jointly with Roxana's child, assuming that it was a boy (as it was, becoming Alexander IV). Perdiccas himself would become regent of the entire empire, and Meleager his lieutenant. Soon, however, Perdiccas had Meleager and the other infantry leaders murdered, and assumed full control.

The other cavalry generals who had supported Perdiccas were rewarded in the Partition of Babylon by becoming satraps of the various parts of the empire. Ptolemy received Egypt; Laomedon received Syria and Phoenicia; Philotas took Cilicia; Peithon took Media; Antigonus received Phrygia, Lycia and Pamphylia; Asander received Caria; Menander received Lydia; Lysimachus received Thrace; Leonnatus received Hellespontine Phrygia; and Neoptolemus had Armenia. Macedon and the rest of Greece were to be under the joint rule of Antipater, who had governed them for Alexander, and Craterus, Alexander's most able lieutenant, while Alexander's old secretary, Eumenes of Cardia, was to receive Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, 2 areas that still remained to be subdued. These were the “successors”, or, in Greek, diadochi.

Alexander’s successors can be seen as falling into two main camps - those who wanted to preserve the empire intact, and those who wanted to take control of individual parts of the empire in their own right. The first group was further divided into those who were loyal to Alexander’s family, amongst them Antipater and Eumenes, and those who wanted power for themselves, most prominently Perdiccas, Ptolemy and Antigonus.

War was triggered by the ambitions of Perdiccas. After the settlement of Babylon, Perdiccas, who still had command of a sizable Macedonian army, had helped Eumenes conquer Cappadocia and Paphlagonia. He had done this without the help of Antigonus, who as a neighboring satrap should have offered his assistance. In the aftermath of his victorious campaign in Cappadocia, Perdiccas summoned Antigonus to explain his absence and to provide accounts for his provinces. Alarmed, Antigonus fled to Macedonia to join Antipater.

One of the most distinctive features of the Hellenistic age was the rise in the importance of dynastic politics. The personal lives of the successors soon came to play a critical role in their political lives. This tendency can be seen very clearly in the events that led to the first open breach between Alexander’s generals. Antipater had offered his 3 daughters in marriage to the 3 most important successors - Perdiccas, Craterus and Ptolemy. All 3 accepted, but Perdiccas then received a more interesting offer, from Alexander’s sister Cleopatra. As Alexander’s posthumous brother-in-law, Perdiccas would have had a reasonable claim to the throne. For a time he was undecided, but after Antigonus fled to Macedonia (late 322 BC), Perdiccas was engaged to Cleopatra, and possibly even married her.

In Macedonia an alliance was formed between Antipater, Craterus and Antigonus. They were joined by Lysimachus, who as satrap of Thrace controlled the land route between Greece and Asia Minor. Ptolemy also now declared against Perdiccas, by the dramatic gesture of seizing Alexander the Great’s funeral cortege and taking his body to Alexandria. Perdiccas was left almost without significant allies. Only Eumenes of the better known successors remained on his side. However, he did have command of the Macedonian army in Asia. Perdiccas now split his forces. He led the expedition against Egypt, leaving Eumenes, who had no experience as a military leader, to defend Asia Minor against an invasion from Europe by Craterus, the most experienced of all Macedonian generals.

The Egyptian campaign could hardly have gone worse. It was May 320 BC when Perdiccas reached Egypt. The army reached the eastern branches of the Nile, but then became stuck in front of natural and man-made defenses. Twice, he tried to cross the Nile near Pelusium, but Ptolemy was able to prevent this. Now, Perdiccas moved to the apex of the Delta, and retried the river crossing in the neighborhood of Heliopolis. However, his men were carried away by the river. To all those present, it was obvious that Perdiccas could never conquer Egypt, and his soldiers - already resenting his strictness - revolted. Perdiccas sought the advice of his colonels Peithon, Antigenes, and Seleucus. They, instead, killed Perdiccas, to put an end to the civil war. Ptolemy was then able to take command of the Macedonian army. The troops offered him Perdiccas’ role as guardian of the kings, but Ptolemy refused. His attention was already focused on an independent Egypt. He appointed Peithon and an officer named Arridaeus as regents, two people who were clearly lacking prestige and would never be able to stop separatists like Ptolemy.

Ironically the murder of Perdiccas occurred before news of a great victory won by Eumenes reached the army. Eumenes had initially been unable to stop an army under Craterus from crossing the Hellespont. When Neoptolemus refused to join with Eumenes, the latter defeated him and incorporated his army and then met the army of Craterus, probably somewhere on the borders of Cappadocia. Eumenes won and both Craterus and Neoptolemus were killed in the battle. What was left of his army managed to escape and joined Antipater. Two of the three most important of the successors had been killed within weeks of each other.

The murder of Perdiccas is seen as ending the 1st Diadochi War. Eumenes was isolated in Asia Minor. In 320 the remaining successors met at Triparadisus (Syria), to redistribute power in the empire. This new settlement would last no longer than the first. In 319 Antipater, possibly the last force for stability in the empire died, of old age, a genuine rarity amongst the successors, and the arrangements he had created at Triparadisus would collapse.
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Old June 14th, 2018, 12:52 PM   #5283
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June 14, 1645
Battle of Naseby

At the beginning of 1645, most of King Charles's advisers urged him to attack the New Model Army while it was still forming. However, Prince Rupert of the Rhine, recently been appointed General of the Army, and therefore the King's chief military adviser, proposed instead to recover the north and join forces with the Royalists in Scotland under the Marquess of Montrose. This course was adopted, even though the King's army had to be weakened by leaving a detachment of 3000 horse under Lord George Goring, the Lieutenant General of Horse, to hold the West Country and maintain the Siege of Taunton, in Somerset.

At the same time, after the New Model Army had abandoned its attempt to relieve Taunton, Parliament's Committee of Both Kingdoms had directed Sir Thomas Fairfax, its commander, to besiege Oxford, the King's capital. Initially, Charles welcomed this move, as Fairfax would be unable to interfere with his move north. Then at the end of May he was told that Oxford was short of provisions and could not hold out long. To distract Fairfax, the Royalists stormed the Parliamentarian garrison at Leicester on May 31 (see posting). Having done so, Prince Rupert and the King's council reversed their plans and marched south to relieve Oxford. They sent messages ordering Goring to rejoin them, but Goring refused to leave the West Country. The veteran Northern Horse regiments threatened to mutiny on learning that they were ordered south while Covenanters remained active in Yorkshire. A number of them rode off to Newark, but the majority were persuaded to stay with the main army. The Royalists advanced to Market Harborough and began raiding farms and villages in Northamptonshire in order to gather supplies for a relief convoy to Oxford. Around June 7, the Royalists took up a strong position on Borough Hill, an Iron Age hill-fort near Daventry, while the convoy was assembled and sent.

The fall of Leicester galvanized the Committee for Both Kingdoms. Still fearing that the Royalists intended to invade East Anglia, the Committee ordered General Fairfax to abandon the siege of Oxford and to march into the Midlands to engage the King's army. Under pressure from Independents in Parliament, the Committee authorized Fairfax to act on his own initiative rather than having to wait for further orders from Westminster. At the request of Fairfax, Oliver Cromwell was officially appointed Lt-General of Horse, even though this contravened the Self-denying Ordinance (see posting). The New Model Army advanced rapidly northwards. By June 11, Fairfax had arrived at Newport Pagnell in Buckinghamshire, 20 miles southeast of the Royalist position at Daventry, where he gathered all available Parliamentarian forces.

By June 13, the Royalists realized that the New Model Army had advanced to Kislingbury near Northampton only 5 miles from the Borough Hill encampment. Having heard from Lord Goring that he was still engaged around Taunton and could not come to reinforce the main army, the King and his advisers decided to fall back on Newark. As the Royalist army withdrew from Daventry to Market Harborough, Fairfax pressed forward, determined to fight. The Parliamentarians were greatly encouraged by the timely arrival from East Anglia of Cromwell with 600 horse and dragoons that evening. Later that night, Col. Ireton led a daring raid on the quarters of the King's Lifeguard in Naseby village, surprising them at supper and taking a number of prisoners. Realizing that the army could not get away, the King's council of war decided to turn and fight.

During the morning of June 14, the armies jockeyed for position near the village of Naseby, finally drawing up on opposing grassy ridges with the shallow dip of Broad Moor between them. The Royalists occupied Dust Hill to the north of the Parliamentarians. The strengths of the armies are not known for certain: estimates for the Royalist army vary from 7500 to 10,000 men, but it was clearly outnumbered by the New Model, which fielded up to 13,500 troops.

The Royalist army was under the nominal command of King Charles, who was present at the battle, with Prince Rupert as field commander. The Royalist foot, under the command of Lord Astley, was deployed in 3 lines supported by squadrons of horse. The 3rd line included the King's Lifeguard and Prince Rupert's foot regiment, the Bluecoats. Rupert himself took direct command of the right wing of horse with his brother Prince Maurice. The Royalist left was made up mostly of the Northern Horse under the command of Sir Marmaduke Langdale. Both wings of Royalist cavalry were supported by detachments of musketeers.

The Parliamentarians were under the overall command of Fairfax, with the infantry commanded by Sgt-Maj-Gen. Philip Skippon and the cavalry under Oliver Cromwell. Skippon's infantry were deployed with 5 regiments in the front line and 3 battalions in the second. The infantry formed up just behind the crest of the ridge, with a forlorn hope of 300 musketeers deployed forward of the main body. The constraints of terrain forced Skippon to bunch his men more closely than was customary. The two lines of cavalry on the left were commanded by Henry Ireton, promoted to Commissary-General at Cromwell's request on the morning of the battle. Cromwell commanded the 3 lines of cavalry on the Parliamentarian right. Cromwell's cavalry were constricted by a rabbit warren and thick bushes on their extreme right.

The battle began at about 10:00. The western edge of the field was flanked by the boundary hedge of Sulby parish running at right angles from Ireton's line towards the Royalist front. From his position on the opposite flank, Cromwell saw an opportunity to disrupt the Royalist right and sent a force of dragoons under Col. Okey to take up an ambush position in Sulby Hedges. Although the dragoons came under fire from the supporting musketeers, their appearance on the Royalist right flank provoked Rupert into a premature advance onto Broad Moor. The Royalist cavalry paused at the bottom of the slope to regain their formation then advanced steadily up the opposite slope to charge Ireton on the Parliamentarian flank. Ireton came forward to meet the charge but the Royalists put 2 regiments to flight, disrupting the rest. Having broken through, Rupert's cavalry continued on to attack the baggage train outside Naseby, where they were eventually driven back by the train guard.

Simultaneously, the Royalist infantry began to advance. Sir Bernard Astley's tertio on the Royalist right moved first, then Sir Henry Bard in the center, then George Lisle on the left. The staggered advance was necessary in order to bring the opposing infantry lines into parallel formation. The Royalists crossed Broad Moor and advanced up the slope, while the Parliamentarians moved forward to the crest of the hill to meet the attack. A shallow depression on the face of the hill had the effect of funneling the Royalist infantry so that a powerful wedge developed. 2 of the frontline Parliamentarian regiments were broken by the initial charge and Skippon was wounded under the ribs by a musket ball that splintered his armor. He refused to leave the field, but the Parliamentarian infantry seemed on the point of collapse. As the first line fell back, Fairfax fought at the head of the second line to stabilize the position. Meanwhile on the Parliamentarian left, Ireton rallied the cavalry units that had not been broken in Rupert's charge and led an attack on the second line of the advancing Royalist infantry. Although he was wounded and taken prisoner, Ireton's intervention stalled the Royalist advance and gave Col. Thomas Pride time to bring up the Parliamentarian infantry reserve. As weight of numbers began to tell, the Royalist advance in the center faltered.

On the Parliamentarian right, where the constraints of terrain allowed only a narrow front, Cromwell's Ironsides advanced to meet Langdale's Northern Horse. In a fierce struggle, the Northern Horse were steadily driven back by weight of numbers towards Dust Hill, where the Royalist reserve was stationed. Prince Rupert's regiment of foot, the Bluecoats, advanced to cover the retreating cavalry. As his front-line regiments pursued the retreating Royalists, Cromwell seized the opportunity to order his second line to wheel left and attack the exposed flank of the Royalist foot. This proved to be the decisive stroke of the battle. Attacked from three directions at once and with no cavalry support, units of the Royalist infantry began to surrender while the rest fell back across Broad Moor towards Dust Hill. As the Royalist infantry retreated, the Bluecoats made a gallant stand on the forward slope of Dust Hill, repulsing 2 attacks. Fairfax ordered Col. D'Oyley to renew the attack on the Bluecoat front while he took his Lifeguard around to attack from the rear. Under attack from all sides, the Bluecoats were finally broken and overwhelmed. The ensign who carried the colors was killed by Fairfax himself.

The defeat of the Bluecoats decided the battle. Pursued by the Parliamentarians, the Royalist infantry made a fighting retreat northwards, with parties of musketeers covering the withdrawal of their comrades before themselves falling back under covering fire. Although Prince Rupert had by this time rejoined the King, the Royalist infantry had no organized cavalry support. King Charles is said to have made a gallant but futile attempt to lead his Lifeguard in a charge on the advancing Roundheads, but the Earl of Carnwath riding next to him seized the bridle of the royal charger and roughly pulled him away. The Royalist infantry made a desperate last stand on Wadborough Hill, 2 miles north of the main battlefield. In the aftermath, fleeing Royalists were pursued and slaughtered all along the road to Leicester. The baggage train was plundered and a number of female camp followers murdered or mutilated.

The defeat was a disaster for the Royalists. They lost about 1000 men killed and 5000 captured. Fairfax’s army lost about 400 killed and wounded. The King's Oxford army was shattered and all its artillery and stores captured. The King's private papers fell into the hands of the Parliamentarians, revealing the full extent of his negotiations to bring over Irish Catholics to fight against Parliament, and his efforts to secure foreign mercenaries and money from abroad. Parliament lost no time in publishing these papers, which caused further political damage to the tottering Royalist cause. Although the First Civil War dragged on for another year, the Royalists had no realistic chance of victory after the Battle of Naseby.
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Old June 15th, 2018, 01:09 PM   #5284
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June 15, 1941
Operation Battleaxe

The Desert War began with a short Italian advance into Egypt, but the first major move was Operation Compass, a British offensive that forced the Italians out of Cyrenaica. Hitler responded by sending Rommel and the Afrika Korps to Libya, who pushed the British back to the Egyptian frontier. Only Tobruk held out, and would endure a siege that lasted until December. Gen. Wavell, the British Commander-in-Chief in the Middle East, came under great pressure to lift the siege, but his first attempt, Operation Brevity (May 15-16 ) was an almost instant failure.

Operation Battleaxe took place on the Egyptian-Libyan border. The right flank was formed by the coastline, which ran west to Sollum, then turned north to run to Bardia. Just inland was a massive escarpment, only passable by tanks at a few locations. This split the battlefield into a narrow coastal strip below the escarpment and the open desert above it. The coast road ran through the coastal strip to Sollum, then climbed the escarpment to reach Ft. Capuzzo, the first Italian strongpoint inside Libya. From there the road ran north to Bardia. Just to the west of Capuzzo was Hafid Ridge, (Point 208 to the British). Another hill, just to the south of Capuzzo, was known as Point 206. Halfaya Pass ran up the escarpment, linking the coastal strip to the desert. It was located just to the south of Sollum.

Rommel had placed garrisons at Capuzzo, Sollum, Musaid, Point 206 and Point 208, mainly Italian infantry. He also had a mixed German-Italian force at Halfaya Pass, commanded by Captain Wilhelm Bach. Rommel's armored strength had increased. He still had his original armored force, Panzer Regiment V of 5th Light Division, but this was joined by 15th Panzer Division. In total Rommel had around 200 German tanks at his disposal. 15th Panzer was posted east of Tobruk, to support the border defenses. 5th Light was south of Tobruk, as was the Italian Ariete armored division.

Key to the British attack were the 'Tiger Cubs'. Churchill had decided to risk sending a convoy of tanks straight through the Mediterranean, instead of on the slower but safer route around the Cape of Good Hope. This 'Tiger' convoy arrived at Alexandria almost intact on May 12, and delivered 238 tanks and 43 Hurricanes. Wavell came under severe pressure from Churchill to use them as quickly as possible. He resisted as best as he could, aware that he really needed more time to get the new tanks and their crews ready.

During Operation Battleaxe the British army in Libya was designated as the Western Desert Force, commanded by Lt-Gen. Sir Noel Beresford-Peirse. This force was made up of 4th Indian Infantry Division (Maj-Gen. Messervy) and 7th Armored Division (Maj-Gen. Creagh). Although 7th Armored Division (the Desert Rats) already had an impressive reputation, many of its sub-units during Battleaxe were new to the division. The division’s 4th Armored Brigade operated the Matilda II infantry tank, a heavy but slow vehicle that had earned the nickname 'Queen of the Desert' because of its thick armor. 7th Armored Brigade had two regiments. One operated A-9, A-10, and A-13 cruisers, while one had the new “Tiger” Crusaders and A-13s. Sadly the new Crusaders would prove to be unreliable, and by the time most of their problems had been fixed all faith in them had been lost. They would be just about at their worst during Battleaxe.

Wavell ordered Beresford-Peirse to capture the border area from Halfaya Pass up to Bardia on the coast and inland to Sidi Azeiz, before then defeating the German forces nearer to Tobruk. Beresford-Peirse came up with a plan for a 3-pronged assault. Near to the coast 11th Indian Brigade and some Matildas would attack Halfaya Pass. To their left 22nd Guards Brigade and the rest of 4th Armored Brigade would carry out a shallow outflanking move to Capuzzo, before turning east to take Sollum. The infantry from this force would then remain at Sollum and Fort Capuzzo while the tanks moved west to join 7th Armored Brigade. 7th Armored would carry out a slightly wider flanking move, cross the frontier to the west of Point 206 and head for Hafid Ridge. This force was expected to fight it out with the German tanks. The division's Support Group was to protect the left flank of this advance, meaning that it wouldn't be present to actually support the armor.

The battle began early on June 15. The coastal attack was the least successful of the British attacks. Some of the Matildas were immobilized by mines, and the unsupported infantry attack failed. When the Matildas did get closer to the pass they were met by concealed 88’s and 11 were destroyed. Her time as 'Queen of the Desert' was over.

On the first day the British armor advanced largely as planned. 4th Brigade got into a fight with the defenders of Point 206. A first attack, without infantry support, ended in failure. A second attack, this time with infantry, captured the position in the evening. Meanwhile the rest of the brigade moved on. Capuzzo was captured at about noon, and a counterattack was defeated. Their supporting infantry then began to dig in. A second counterattack, later in the day, was also repulsed. On the left the cruiser tanks of 7th Brigade reached Hafid Ridge just after 0900 but were then drawn into a protracted battle with German guns on the ridge. The British cruisers lacked a good HE shell and so had to get very close to the German guns to knock them out. By the end of the day the British had a foothold on the ridge, but at a high cost. The only direct clash with German armor was a long range duel with elements of 5th Light Division, which were approaching from Sidi Azeiz in the north. Although the British had reached many of their objectives, the first day had been very costly - by the time the fighting died down in the evening they had just under 100 tanks still running.

The British plan for June 16 was for 22nd Guards Brigade to defend Capuzzo and send a force east to occupy Sollum. The tanks of 4th Brigade would move west and complete the occupation of Hafid Ridge. The tanks of 7th Brigade would intercept a German tank force that had been detected approaching from the north. Rommel's plan was for 8th Panzer Regiment to attack around Capuzzo, while 5th Light Division was to outflank the British position to the west, bypassing the forces on Hafid Ridge and made for Sidi Omar, southwest of the British positions. The division would then turn east, heading for Halfaya Pass and the British rear. The British would be trapped between the two armored divisions.

Rommel's attack disrupted the British efforts. The attack on Capuzzo was defeated, and the Germans lost 50 tanks while attacking a line of British guns, but it did convince Messervy not to allow 4th Brigade to move west. By now Beresford-Peirse, who had remained back at Sidi Barrani, was losing control of his own force. The most important fighting came on the left. Here 5th Light Division heading south towards Sidi Omar was harassed by 7th Armored and the Support Group. The German armor generally had the better of a series of battles, but 7th Brigade handled its tanks well and took advantage of the terrain. By the end of the day the Germans advance was stopped around Sidi Omar, and both sides had lost a number of tanks.

The British plan for June 17 was to leave 22nd Guards at Capuzzo, while the 2 armored brigades united to attack the Germans and Sidi Omar. Rommel planned to do almost the same - the 8th Panzer Regiment was to join with 5th Light, and then head for Halfaya Pass.

The British plan quickly unraveled. 7th Brigade was down to 25 tanks, and had to move east to refuel. 4th Brigade's remaining 30 tanks were heading south from Capuzzo, but the 2 forces wouldn't meet up. By 0430 8th Panzer Regiment had disengaged at Capuzzo and was heading south. Gen. Creagh decided that he needed to consult with Beresford-Peirse, and radioed a request for him to fly to his HQ for a meeting. Rommel's intercept service heard this, and it encouraged Rommel to order his 2 divisions straight for Halfaya. This advance began at about 0900. Messervy realized that he would soon be cut off and ordered his men to retreat from Capuzzo. This all happened without any real input from Beresford-Peirse or Wavell. Wavell approved the orders, but wasn't happy with the lack of consultation.

For most of the day the Germans pressed east towards Halfaya Pass, resisted by the surviving Matildas of 4th Brigade. The tables were now turned, and the Matilda briefly regained her crown - the Panzer IIIs struggled to penetrate her armor, and the Germans had advanced ahead of their 88’s. As the tanks fought it out south of Halfaya Pass, the troops from Capuzzo made their escape. By the time the Germans reached the top of the pass at 1600 the British had escaped.

The British lost about half their tanks - 220 were knocked out at some point during the battle, but only 87 were total write-offs. The rest were eventually recovered and repaired. Even so this was a heavy blow for Churchill, who had taken such a risk to get the tanks to Egypt in the first place. German losses were reported at only 25 tanks written off. Rommel's success also helped convince the Italians to send reinforcements to North Africa.

Churchill had already begun to lose confidence in Wavell, and had considered swapping him with Gen. Sir Claude Auchinleck, the British commander-in-chief in India. In the aftermath of Battleaxe he decided to make that switch, and on June 22 both men were informed of the change.
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Old June 16th, 2018, 12:32 PM   #5285
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June 16, 1948
State of Emergency in Malaya

When the Japanese occupied Malaya in 1942, the Communist Party (MCP) was the only organized underground movement and became the core of the resistance. A Communist-led Malayan Peoples’ Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA) was established in the jungles and British liaison officers were attached. The MCP’s main support came from the vast numbers of the Chinese urban population and labor forces. The MPAJA was never tested in combat against the Japanese. Although it took the opportunity to eliminate likely political rivals during the short interregnum between the Japanese surrender and the British return in 1945, it was in no position to challenge for control of the country. The Communists therefore accepted the disbandment of the MPAJA and handed in most of its weapons. Many arms, however, were retained and hidden in jungle caches. In return the MCP was recognized as a legal political party.

By 1948, the MCP had made no political headway, but was strong in the trade unions, Chinese schools and youth movements. A period of strikes followed and increasing ethnic violence between Malays and Chinese. During this time a strong Malay nationalist movement, the United Malayan National Organization ((UMNO) developed in opposition to Britain’s plans for a Malay Union.

In the summer of 1948, an international Communist youth conference was held in Calcutta. Immediately afterward, whether instructed by Moscow or not (still a subject of debate), the Communist parties in Malaya, the Philippines, Indonesia and Burma all declared an armed struggle. The decision caused conflict within the MCP. Lai Tak, the Secretary General, who was reputed to have been in both Japanese and British pay, disappeared and was replaced by Chin Peng. The MPAJA now took to the jungle and formed the Malayan Races Liberation Army (MRLA). This was a misnomer, as its members were more than 90% Chinese.

The MCP suffered from 2 great weaknesses. It was alien both in its creed and race, so that the Malay nationalists rallied to the government. Its cause was weak because independence had been promised by Britain and was made credible by the independence of India, Pakistan and Burma. The struggle which followed was less for independence than for the succession to power when the British left.

The first outbreak occurred in Perak in June 1948, when a State of Emergency was declared, extended to the whole of the country the following month.

The years 1948 to 1951 saw a steady increase of minor guerrilla actions and incidents. Sir Henry Guerney, the High Commissioner, made sure that the strength of the civil administration and the rule of law were maintained. Tough emergency laws were introduced with the consent of the Labor government in London. They were acceptable because they were effective, fair to all, and enforceable through the courts. Detention of suspects without trial was authorized and, at its peak, up to 10,000 were held, but there was no public outcry. Each case had to be reviewed by a civilian tribunal, but the final decision to detain or release remained with the government..

Guerney requested an experienced soldier as Director of Operations and Lt. Gen. Sir Harold Briggs was appointed. Briggs established an organization (a combined civil, military and police structure at all levels down to districts) and set priorities and responsibilities both by tasks and areas.

The major task was the resettlement into New Villages of the 500,000 Chinese squatters throughout the country. The objective was to deprive the MRLA of recruits and logistic support by isolating it from the people. An effective intelligence organization in the Police Special Branch and an efficient information service were set up to keep people informed and conduct psychological warfare.

Because available army units were limited owing to the Korean War, the police force was greatly expanded and village Home Guards were established. The Korean War did have one fortunate effect, however; tin and rubber, Malaya’s principle exports, rocketed in price. This meant that the government, throughout the Emergency, was able to finance all expenditure from its own revenue. (London had only to meet the cost of its own forces on active service.) There was never any hope of the MCP winning by imposing unacceptable costs on the government.

The Royal Navy patrolled the coasts, but there was no evidence of attempted outside aid for the MRLA. Without it, the rebels had no hope of progressing beyond minor guerilla actions.

Yet these actions were distressing enough. More than 2000 civilians were murdered, property was burned and plantations damaged. When Guerney was killed in an ambush in 1951, government morale sank to its lowest ebb. Nevertheless the foundations had been laid. Although the MRLA had expanded to a peak strength of 10,000, government forces had grown to 90,000, the armed forces providing 30,000 of these.

Guerney’s successor, Gen. Sir Gerald Templer, was appointed both High Commissioner and Director of Operations in January 1952. Templer’s dynamic leadership quickly restored morale and put new vigor into the counter-insurgency programs. Intelligence improved, the contact rate went up and, with it, MRLA casualties. More and more guerrillas began to surrender. Templer was equally adroit in the political field. He put great stress on “hearts and minds”. The key was government performance in showing that it could win, in protecting the populace, and then in providing social and economic benefits.

He also understood the need for reconciliation and for measures to help the Chinese to become loyal citizens. He encouraged the formation of the Alliance Party under Tunku Abdul Rahman, comprising UMNO, the Malayan Chinese Association and the Malayan Indian Congress, and promised early elections to the legislature, with independence to follow. When he left in 1954, the MCP was broken.

Under his successor and former deputy, Sir Donald MacGillivray, elections were held in 1955 and produced a resounding Alliance victory. In order to salvage something from the defeat, the MCP asked for peace talks It offered to disband the MRLA and lay down arms on condition that it would be accepted again as a legal political party.

At this point the laying down of arms could have been enforced as Special Branch knew, almost without exception, the names of all remaining members of the MRLA, their unit, state of health and weapon with which they were armed. Tunku Abdul Rahman, now in a position to gain peace as well as independence, refused to be tempted and offered only an amnesty. This was refused by the MCP and the long mopping-up process, from 1955 to 1960, began.

The MRLA was virtually driven out of the populated areas and dispersed in small groups into the jungle, where its efforts were expended on survival, not military action. These groups were slowly hunted down or starved by strict food control measures into surrender, the rate of which increased dramatically with time. Eventually, the MCP central committee issued instructions for a retreat to the Thai border, but only about 500 made it. Meanwhile, independence had been granted on August 31, 1957 and, after 12 years, on July 12, 1960, the Emergency was declared at an end. The security forces took 519 military casualties during the Emergency and the police 1346 casualties. Over 6700 rebels had been killed and 2700 captured. Almost 2500 civilians were killed. The insurgency had been totally defeated.
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Old June 16th, 2018, 12:33 PM   #5286
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195 BC
Siege of Gythium

The Macedonian defeat by Rome in 197 BC left the Romans in control of Greek affairs. However, they decided not to occupy Greece, only to garrison some cities for 5 years. The war also left the Spartans in control of Argos. This Spartan gain was a setback for the Achaean League which had been trying to incorporate Sparta into their league for many years. The tyrant of Sparta, Nabis, who had declared himself king, was soon troubling the Achaean League and was also threatening to destroy the peace in Greece.

In 195 BC, Titus Quinctius Flamininus summoned his army in Greece and that of his allies at Plataea in Boeotia. He then marched to Argos where he was joined by 10,000 Achaean infantry and 1000 cavalry. After a few brief skirmishes, the allies decided to abandon the siege of Argos and then advanced upon Caryae where they were joined by 1500 Macedonians and 400 Thessalian cavalry.

Nabis also made his own preparations. Nabis had always been on good terms with Cretan leaders and he requested 1000 of their best soldiers who were hand picked to assist him. As well as the Cretans, he hired 3000 mercenaries and armed 10,000 citizens. The Romans and their allies advanced upon Sellasia not far north of Sparta. The Romans were defeated in a small action and retreated, but returned to win a larger battle, forcing the Spartans to retreat into the city.

Some coastal cities surrendered to the Romans which allowed them to have a base in the coastal regions of Laconia. Gythium was a large city and had been built by the Spartans as their main port and naval arsenal. The Romans advanced upon the city and they were joined there by the combined Rhodian and Pergamene fleets. The sailors built siege engines which had devastating effects on the walls. One of the city's joint commanders, Dexagoridas, offered to surrender the city to the Roman legate in charge of the fleet while Flamininus was gone. When the other commander Gorgopas found out he murdered Dexagoridas.

With the city under Gorgopas' command, the defenders were reinvigorated. The siege was proving more difficult thn anticipated until Flamininus arrived with 4000 Roman reinforcements. With the arrival of the new soldiers, the allies renewed their bombardment while the Rhodian and Pergamene fleet continued to put pressure on the Spartans from the sea. The Spartans knew that they did not have much chance of withstanding a full assault and Gorgopas decided to surrender the city to the Romans on the condition that the garrison leave the city unharmed.

When Nabis found out that Gythium had fallen, he decided to abandon the remaining Laconian countryside. He sent envoys to Flamininus who offered a parley. This was inconclusive and, when it ended, the Romans attacked Sparta. The initial assault failed, , but Nabis knew the situation was hopeless and agreed to surrender. The Romans forced Nabis to abandon Argos and most of the coastal cities of Laconia. They formed all the cities that had broken off from Sparta on the Laconian coast into the Union of Free Laconians. However, they didn't strip Nabis of his powers as they wanted a state in the Peloponnese to counter the growing Achaean League. Nabis attacked Gythium 2 years later, only to retreat after being unable to capture the city but in 192 BC he was assassinated by the Aetolians before he had a chance to attempt another attack. In 189 BC, the Spartans, having been deprived of a port, attacked and captured the city of Las. The Achaeans responded by demanding the surrender of those responsible for the attack and when that was refused they captured Sparta.
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Old June 17th, 2018, 01:08 PM   #5287
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June 17, 1497
Battle of Blackheath

In September 1496 James IV of Scotland launched an invasion of England. However, with an English army approaching, James hastily withdrew back into Scotland. That might have been the end of the matter but Henry VII, despite his normal aversion to fighting wars, decided to launch a counter-invasion in 1497. Henry, however, had absolutely no intention of financing any part of the war himself and would, if possible make a profit out of it. He therefore was able to persuade parliament to vote him a huge tax of £120,000, 4 times the amount normally raised. Many in England questioned the need for this war but it was be in Cornwall, the least English and the most “Celtic” part of the kingdom where the population mainly still spoke Cornish that this was to lead to revolt.

The first stirrings arose in the parish of St Keverne on the Lizard peninsula, where there already was resentment against the actions of Sir John Oby, provost of Glasney College in Penryn, and the tax collector for that area. In reaction to King Henry's levy, Michael An Gof, a blacksmith from St. Keverne and Thomas Flamank, a lawyer of Bodmin, incited many of the people into armed revolt. An army some 15,000 strong marched into Devon, attracting support in provisions and recruits as they went. From Taunton, they moved on to Wells, where they were joined by their most eminent recruit, James Touchet, 7th Baron Audley. Despite this welcome and prestigious acquisition of support, An Gof the blacksmith remained in command.

After issuing a declaration of grievances, the army marched to Winchester, remarkably unopposed as they progressed across the south of England. Henry, by all accounts, was taken completely by surprise by the rising and had to hastily recall his army of 8000 men under Lord Daubeney which had been intended to invade Scotland. While Henry mustered a second army around Henley on Thames, 500 of Daubeney’s mounted troops clashed with the rebels on June 14 at Guildford in Surrey. This, however, did not stop the march but it was now apparently that An Gof, Flamank and Audley realized that a fight with the king’s forces was going to be inevitable before Henry would listen to demands.

Flamank proposed that they should head for Kent, “the classic soil of protests”, home of the Peasants' Revolt (1381) and Jack Cade's rebellion (see postings). It was an ambitious strategy, but sadly misinformed. Although the Scottish War was as remote to the Kentishmen as to the Cornish, they not only declined to offer their support but went so far as to offer resistance under their Earl. Sadly disillusioned, the Cornish army retreated and some of the men quietly returned to their homes. The remainder let go the pretence of acting against the King's ministers alone - they were prepared to give battle against the King himself. They marched from Banstead in Surrey to Blackheath and from the high ground of the Blackheath they were able to see, for the first time, London. There seems to have been a general panic in the city and even the king was said to have moved the royal family to the safety of the Tower.

By June 16, Henry had united his army with that of Daubeney and had blocked the route to London. The combined army was said to have numbered 25,000 which, if true, would have made it larger than any of the Wars of the Roses except possibly for those at Towton in 1461 (see posting). Faced by this large force and disillusioned with their failure to attract support in Kent, many of the marchers were said to have lost heart and many of those, who had come to protest and not fight, quietly slipped away. A group was said to have approached Daubeney, offering to hand over Flamank and Audley in exchange for a general pardon. However, the leaders seemed to have prepared for battle with the bulk of the men remaining on the high ground of Blackheath, through which the old Roman road to Dover ran. About a mile further the road crossed the River Ravensbourne at the Deptford Bridge and here a force of archers had been placed to hold the bridge against the royal army. One account also speaks of the rebels placing guns to cover the bridge but, given that another account states that they had no artillery and it is difficult to see how they could have acquired any, this seems likely to have been only handguns.

Henry planned his attack with great care; he wanted a crushing victory. The army was divided into 3 divisions: one commanded by the ever reliable Oxford; one by Essex and Suffolk; and one by Daubeney. While Daubeney faced the rebels across the Deptford Bridge, the other 2 divisions took up position on the right flank and to the rear of the rebels. Such a wide dispersion of the royal forces risked the divisions being defeated in detail but each of these divisions was nearly as strong as the rebels and considerably better equipped. The other major problem would have been coordinating the attacks but as the only accounts of the battle are what could be described as the official Tudor accounts, we do not know whether there were problems that were later glossed over.

According to the London Chronicler the rebel camp spent the night of June 16 “in greate agony and variaunce; ffor some of them were mynded to have comyn to the King and to have yolded theym and put theym fully in his mercy and grace, but the smith [An Gof] was of the contrary myende.” Probably by the time the battle started on the 17th about a third of the rebels had deserted. Early in the morning Daubeney spent a force of spearmen to attack across the Deptford Bridge taking the rebels by surprise as, for some reason, they were not expecting Henry to attack that day. However, the archers guarding the bridge gave a good account of themselves and the royal army suffered heavy casualties. But, with most of the rebels a mile away on Blackheath, the men holding the bridge lacked support and Daubeney was able to capture the bridge. Due to the fighting that took place around the bridge the battle is more often referred to as the Battle of the Deptford Hill but given that the bulk of the rebel forces remained on the Blackheath, some think that that is the more appropriate title for the battle.

It would seem that the rebel forces did try and support those men holding the bridge but with a mile to march they arrived too late. But as a result they had come off the high ground and were attacked by Daubeney’s forces and had to defend themselves having lost the height advantage they would have had if they had remained on the high ground of Blackheath. Despite this, at some point Daubeney was captured by the rebels, showing that they must have put up some strong resistance. But he was soon released as the other 2 royal divisions joined in the battle, attacking the rebels in flank and rear. The battle now dissolved into a rout and according to Francis bacon “the Cornishmen, being ill-armed and ill-lead and without horse or artillery, were with no great difficulty cut in pieces and put to flight.” Flamank and Audley were taken on the battlefield while An Gof tried to flee but only got as far as Greenwich where he was captured.

No rebels were executed after the battle apart from the 3 leaders. Audley, as a lord, was beheaded, while An Gof and Flamank were hung, drawn and quartered. However, for some reason, King Henry allowed them to die by the noose before they were drawn and quartered. All 3 heads were set on Tower Bridge. Henry may not have executed anyone else but, ever one to make a profit out of any situation, he exacted harsh fines on all who had rebelled.
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Old June 18th, 2018, 12:14 PM   #5288
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June 18, 1053
Battle of Civitella

Norman advances in southern Italy had alarmed the papacy for many years. Many of the Italian locals did not take kindly to Norman raiding and wished to respond in kind, regarding them as little better than brigands. The raiding activities which brought about such hatred also occurred in the see of Benevento, a deed not emphasized in the Norman chronicles, but for Pope Leo IX the more significant concern was the political instability of the region. In fact, the Beneventans, who previously had been approached by both the German Emperor Henry III and by the Pope previously to swear fealty, finally appealed and submitted to Leo to personally take control of the city (as well as lifting a previous excommunication) in 1051. At this point, Benevento was also the border and march land between Rome and the German Empire and the newly established Norman holdings. Another problem was the instability brought about on the Norman side by the murder in unclear circumstances of Drogo de Hauteville, who up to that time had been the nominal war leader of the Normans and Count of Apulia. There was a strong reaction to Drogo's death, with his brother Humphrey taking over the leadership position and scouring the countryside for his enemies.

Finally, in 1052, Leo met with his relative Henry III, Holy Roman Emperor, in Saxony, and asked for aid in curbing the growing Norman power. Initially, substantial aid was refused and Leo returned to Rome in March 1053 with only 700 Swabian infantry under Adalbert II, Count of Winterthur (modern day Switzerland). But there were others worried about the Norman power, in particular the Italian and Lombard rulers in the south. The Prince of Benevento, the Duke of Gaeta, the Counts of Aquino and Teano, the Archbishop and the citizens of Amalfi, together with Lombards from Apulia, Molise, Campania, Abruzzo and Latium, answered the call of the Pope, and formed a coalition to move against the Normans. However, while these forces included troops from almost every great Italian magnate, they did not include forces from Prince of Salerno, who would have gained more than the others from a Norman defeat.

The Pope had also another friendly power, the Byzantine Empire ruled by Constantine IX. At first, the Byzantines, established in Apulia, had tried to buy off the Normans and press them into service within their own largely mercenary army, but the Normans rejected the proposal, explicitly stating that their aim was the conquest of southern Italy. When Leo and his army moved from Rome to Apulia to engage the Normans in battle, a Byzantine army moved from Apulia with the same plan, catching the Normans in a pincer.

The Normans understood the danger and collected all available men into a single army under the command of the new Count of Apulia and Drogo's eldest surviving brother, Humphrey of Hauteville, as well as the Count of Aversa, Richard Drengot, and others of the Hauteville family, among whom was Robert, later known under the name of Robert Guiscard.

Leo moved to Apulia, and reached the Fortore River near the town of Civitella (or Civitate, northwest of Foggia). The Normans moved to intercept the Papal army and prevent its union with the Byzantines. The Normans were short on supplies because of the harvest season, and were outnumbered, with no more than 3000 horsemen and 500 infantry against 6000 troops. The Normans were suffering from hunger and malnutrition. Because of this, they were driven to ask for a truce, but were refused, though there is some disagreement on who the greater enemies of the Normans were in refusing the negotiations, varying between the Lombards, the Germans, and the curia of Pope Leo himself, to whom the Normans in fact wished to swear their fidelitas.

The two armies were divided by a small hill. The Normans put their horsemen in 3 companies, with the heavy cavalry of Richard of Aversa on the right, Humphrey with infantry, dismounted knights and archers in the center, and Robert Guiscard, with his horsemen and his infantry (the sclavos, Slavic infantry), on the left. In front of them, the Papal army was divided into two parts, with the heavy Swabian infantry on a thin and long line from the center extending to the right, and the Italian levies massed in a mob on the left, under the command of Rudolf of Benevento. Pope Leo was in the city, but his standard, the vexillum sancti Petri, was with his allied army.

The battle started with the attack of Richard of Aversa against the Italians on the left with a flanking movement and charge. The Italians broke and fled without even trying to resist. The Normans killed many in pursuit and then moved further towards the Papal field-camp, before eventually attempting to return to the main engagement.

The Swabians, in the meantime, had moved to the hill, and came into contact with the Norman center, skirmishing with archers before entering a general melee. Most likely, this engagement was primarily on foot, as the Germans are often referred to as "taking up their swords and shields"; there is no mention of lances. The fight with the Swabians was the main focus of much of the battle, with the Normans attempting to flank the Swabians while Humphrey engaged them. Robert Guiscard, seeing his brother in danger, moved with the left wing to the hill, and succeeded in easing the Swabian pressure, and also displayed his personal bravery with the aid of the Calabrians under the command of Count Gerard. The situation on the center however, remained balanced. Yet thanks to the continued Norman discipline in holding the line against the Swabians, the day was at last decided by the return of Richard's forces from pursuing the Italians, which resulted in the defeat of the Papal coalition.

After preparing for a siege of the town itself, the Pope was taken prisoner by the victorious Normans. There is some uncertainty over how this happened. Papal sources say that Leo left Civitella and surrendered himself to prevent further bloodshed. Other sources indicate that the inhabitants handed over the Pope and drove him "out of the gates," after seeing the Norman threat manifested in siege towers and earthen ramparts. He was treated respectfully but was imprisoned at Benevento for almost 9 months, and forced to ratify a number of treaties favorable to the Normans. However, according to the Norman accounts, Leo was treated more as an honored guest than as a prisoner, and by no means lacked for comfort. According to John Julius Norwich, Leo attempted a long, passive resistance to agreeing to anything for the Normans, and was waiting for an imperial relief army from Germany. In addition, Norwich believes that Leo did eventually acknowledge the Normans as the rulers of the South in order to get a release for his freedom. Meanwhile, the Byzantine army was forced to disband and return to Greece via Bari, since their forces were not strong enough to fight the Normans alone.

The Battle of Civitella proved to be a turning point in the fortunes of the Normans in Italy, who were able to win a victory despite their differences among themselves, and solidifying their legitimacy in the process. Not only that, it was the first major victory for Robert Guiscard, who would eventually rise to prominence as the leader of the Normans in the South. While Leo attempted to maintain an anti-Norman alliance with the Byzantines in hopes of driving them out on religious grounds, the inability of the papal legates to negotiate with Constantinople in addition to Leo's untimely death negated any hope for aid from the Byzantines, except at the command of the Eastern emperor himself. The schism, in this case, worked to the favor of the Normans at least in the political realm.

After 6 more years, and 3 more anti-Norman popes, the Treaty of Melfi (1059) marked the recognition of the Norman power in South Italy. There were 2 reasons for this change in papal politics. First, the Normans had shown to be a strong (and nearby) enemy, while the emperor a weak (and distant) ally. Second, Pope Nicholas II had decided to cut the bonds between the Roman Church and the Holy Roman emperors, reclaiming the right of the College of Cardinals to elect the pope without reference to the emperor. And in the foreseeable struggle against the Empire, a strong ally was more important than a strong enemy.
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Old June 19th, 2018, 12:20 PM   #5289
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June 19, 1816
Seven Oaks Massacre

In 1814, Miles MacDonell, Governor of the Red River Colony (the area around present-day Winnipeg, Manitoba), issued the Pemmican Proclamation, which prohibited the export of pemmican from the colony for the next year. It was meant to guarantee adequate supplies for the Hudson Bay Colony, but it was viewed by the rival North West Company (founded in 1789) as a ploy by employees of the Earl of Selkirk (majority shareholder of the Hudson Bay Company) to monopolize the foodstuff, which was important to the North West Company.

The local Métis (a blend of native and French) did not acknowledge the authority of the Red River Settlement, and this stand was probably consistent with the Royal Proclamation of 1763, which forbade settlement west of the Appalachian Mountains. The Pemmican Proclamation was a blow to both the Métis and North West Company. The Métis saw the colony as an attempt at an agricultural colony that would disrupt their traditional way of life. The North West Company accused the HBC of unfairly monopolizing the fur trade by this edict. As the North West Company floundered under these and other restrictions, the HBC attempted to take it over, but was not successful.

Late in 1815, after several conflicts and suffering from "severe emotional instability", MacDonnell resigned as governor of the Red River Colony. He was replaced by Robert Semple, an American businessman with no previous experience in the fur trade.

In 1816 a band of mostly Métis (which included some French-Canadians, English, and native employees), led by Cuthbert Grant and working for the North West Company, seized a supply of pemmican from the Hudson Bay Company. They traveled to meet traders of the North West Company, to whom they intended to sell it. They encountered Semple and a group of HBC men and settlers north of Fort Douglas along the Red River at a location known to the English as Seven Oaks, and called la Grenouillière (Frog Plain) by the Métis. The North West Company sent a French-Canadian, François-Firmin Boucher, to speak to Semple's men. He and Semple argued, and a gunfight ensued when the English tried to arrest Boucher and seize his horse. Although early reports said that the Métis fired the first shot and began the fray, the Royal Commissioner W.B. Coltman determined with "next to certainty" that one of Semple's men fired first. The Métis were skilled sharpshooters and outnumbered Semple's forces by nearly 3-1. They repulsed the attack, killing 21 men, including Governor Semple, while suffering only 1 fatality.

On the day after the battle, the demoralized settlers quickly gathered their belongings and prepared to leave the colony. On the next day, they set sail northward, leaving the Métis in command of the settlement.

The Métis were exonerated by W.B. Coltman, a Royal Commissioner appointed to investigate the incident. But Lord Selkirk attempted to prosecute several members of the North West Company for murder, and kept Boucher in prison for nearly 2 years without specific charges. All trials ended in acquittals, and the remaining charges were dropped. Members of the North West Company counter-sued Selkirk, whose health and influence subsequently declined. Following Selkirk's death in 1820, the two companies merged in 1821. In 1828 Cuthbert Grant was given an annual salary and the position of "warden of the plains of Red River" by the Hudson Bay Company.
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Old June 20th, 2018, 11:59 AM   #5290
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June 20, 1622
Battle of Höchst

In April 1622, Count Johann Tilly had lost the Battle of Mingolsheim to the Protestant army of Ernst von Mansfeld and Georg Friedrich, Margrave of Baden-Durlach. He withdrew his weakened army towards Würzburg. Duke Christian of Brumswick-Luneburg wanted to exploit the situation for a crucial strike against the Catholic League. With 12,000 infantry, nearly 5000 cavalry and 3 guns, he moved from Westphalia along the Weser and through Hesse towards the Main River to unite with armies of Mansfeld and Baden-Durlach, at Darmstadt.

On June 15, Christian reached the territory of the Archbishopric of Mainz at Oberursel. He sent Colonel Dodo zu Innhausen und Knyphausen with an advance guard of 1500 men against Höchst to take the town in a coup de main and to safeguard the Main crossing point. However, the Höchst garrison successfully defended the town against Knyphausen’s initial assault. On the 16th Knyphausen's troops finally stormed and plundered Höchst. Two days later the Protestants started building a pontoon bridge across the Main. Meanwhile Christian moved towards Höchst and destroyed the villages of Oberusel, Eschborn and Sulzbach.

At the same time the allied Spanish-Imperial army, under Tilly and Gonzalo de Cordoba, seeking to block a rendezvous of the Protestant forces approached in forced marches from Würzburg with 20,000 infantry, 6000 cavalry and 18 guns. The Catholic forces reached the Nidda River at Höchst on June 20 to find Christian’s army already crossing.

When the bridge was completed in the morning of 20 June, Christian's baggage started to cross the river. Christian formed his troops to fight the Catholics at Sossenheim, but found himself outnumbered and his forces divided by the river. Hence, Christian ordered his troops to withdraw over the pontoon bridge towards Kelsterbach, leaving 2000 infantry at Sossenheim to delay pursuit. Tilly, however, methodically isolated this force, relying on panic to do his work. Under Catholic artillery fire the withdrawal turned into a headlong flight. The bridge became clogged with wagons and collapsed after only 3000 had crossed. Christian ordered his cavalry to swim across, but many drowned. Disorder increased with the appearance of a Catholic cavalry regiment sent for just that purpose. Höchst castle held out until 10 PM, but Christian lost a third of his army, while many of the survivors were without weapons. His entire baggage train was lost, along with his guns. Catholic losses were only 100 men. Christian succeeded in escaping with 3000 cavalry, 8000 infantry and his war chest, eventually uniting with Mansfeld’s army.

The battle sealed the fate of the Palatinate. Elector Frederick disbanded his remaining troops, canceling Mansfeld’s contract, and applied for an imperial pardon.
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